Abstract
This paper examines the formation of diverse identities and the emergence of dynamic changes in cultural forms in the power structures of both newcomers and hosts in the case of North Koreans settling in South Korea. Since the end of the Korean War in 1953, the formerly homogeneous nation of Korea has been politically divided under two separate regimes: a communist society in the North and a capitalist democracy in the South. In the end of 1990s, the number of North Koreans immigrating to South Korea began to rapidly increase due to severe famine in the North; by 2014, the number of North Korean settlers in South Korea had reached more than 27,000. This qualitative study explores the resulting cultural gaps and issues of conflict, power, and resistance and emphasizes the strategies that young North Korean settlers employ as they shape and position themselves in capitalist society.
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Notes
This paper builds upon my doctoral dissertation (Kim 2009) and provides additional, updated information.
Those who flee North Korea have been designated by various names in the political discourse (See Heller 2011). Because such labels have connotations regarding the different political contexts and intentions of domestic and international institutions—and of the North Koreans themselves—it is difficult to choose a single name for this group. In English, the terms “refugee” and “migrant” have been commonly used. However, Heller (2011)) demonstrates the inadequacy of both designations for the group in question under international law generally and under the Constitution of the Republic of Korea, in particular, because the South Korean constitution considers North Koreans as ethnic brethren. Therefore, in this paper, I use the term “settler” for North Koreans living in South Korea.
By 2013, the South Korean government had provided total settlement funds amounting to approximately US$20,000 per person, including housing funds. South Korea has also provided additional payments, such as monthly scholarship funds intended to encourage vocational training and employment. The total maximum amount of vocational training and employment subsidies provided per person was US$24,400 in 2012 (Ministry of Unification 2014).
To survive in China, most North Korean women work as prostitutes or entertainers. Some are sold by brokers into marriages to older or disabled Chinese men in rural areas, regardless of whether they have a husband in North Korea. The brokers receive a commission, and “the fees range widely, 1000 yuan ($120) to 10,000 ($1200) per woman. It seems that a typical price for a woman in her late 20s is some 3000–5000 yuan ($400–600)” (Lankov 2004:861).
As a researcher, I conducted the ethnographic fieldwork between 2001 and 2003. I kept in constant contact with the interviewees during my doctoral graduate program (2004–2007) and after obtaining my doctoral degree (2010–2011).
I was unable to attend the meeting, which was held on April 25, 2003. These data were obtained from video recordings and transcripts of the discussion.
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Acknowledgements
Part of the research for this paper was funded by the East West Center, Honolulu, U.S., when I was a degree fellow there from 2003 to 2009.
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Kim, Y.Y. Negotiating Cultures and Identities: Education and Adaptation Among Young North Korean Settlers in South Korea. Int. Migration & Integration 17, 1015–1029 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-015-0450-0
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s12134-015-0450-0