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Islamizing Aid: Transnational Muslim NGOs After 9.11

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Abstract

Transnational Muslim NGOs are important actors in the field of development and humanitarian aid. Through micro-sociological case studies, this article provides new empirical insights on the organizational identity of some of these NGOs. Using the post 9.11. aid field as a window through which to explore transnational Muslim NGOs, the article analyzes the ways in which two of the largest Muslim NGOs Islamize aid and the kinds of Islam they construct in this process, discussing how this relates to their position in the contemporary aid field. The Saudi Arabian International Islamic Relief Organization and the British Islamic Relief serve as emblematic examples of transnational Muslim NGOs today, each presenting different ways of understanding Islam: One promotes an all-encompassing Islam, embedded in almost all aspects of the organization; while the other demonstrates a quasi-secular Islam, most often relegated to the personal sphere. Likewise, the two organizations Islamize aid in different ways, based on different interpretations of the Global War on Terror and mainstream development discourses. The article concludes that the positions of the two NGOs are best understood as poles in a continuum, stretching from an embedded Islam, encouraging a thoroughly Islamized aid and blocking integration into the field of mainstream development and humanitarian aid, to an invisible Islam, accompanied by an almost secularized aid and facilitating integration into the aid field.

Résumé

Les ONG musulmanes internationales sont des acteurs importants dans les secteurs du développement et de l’aide humanitaire. S’appuyant sur des études de cas micro-sociologiques, cet article développe des analyses empiriques sur l’identité organisationnelle de certaines de ces ONG. Se plaçant dans le champ de l’aide humanitaire post-11 septembre comme une fenêtre à travers laquelle étudier les ONG musulmanes internationales, l’article analyse les moyens selon lesquels deux des plus importantes de ces ONG islamisent l’aide humanitaire et les types d’Islam qu’elles construisent ce faisant. La discussion porte sur la manière dont ceci est lié à leur position dans le champ contemporain de l’aide humanitaire. L’Organisation internationale de Secours Islamique d’Arabie Saoudite (International Islamic Relief Organization) et le Secours Islamique Britannique (Islamic Relief) servent d’exemples emblématiques quant aux ONG musulmanes transnationales d’aujourd’hui, chacune présentant différentes voies de compréhension de l’Islam : Alors que l’une fait la promotion d’un Islam universel, intégré dans pratiquement tous les aspects de l’organisation, l’autre met en œuvre un Islam quasi-laïc, le plus souvent relégué à la sphère du personnel. De même, les deux organisations islamisent le secours de manière différente, en fonction d’interprétations différentes de la lutte mondiale contre le terrorisme et des discours dominants sur le développement. L’article parvient à la conclusion que les positions des deux ONG se comprennent mieux en tant que pôles d’une continuité, se déployant entre un Islam intégré, en faveur d’un secours rigoureusement islamisé et bloquant l’intégration au sein du secteur dominant du développement et de l’aide humanitaire, et un Islam invisible, associé à un secours presque laïcisé et facilitant l’intégration dans le secteur de l’aide.

Zusammenfassung

Transnationale muslimische NRO sind wichtige Akteure auf dem Gebiet Entwicklung und humanitäre Hilfe. Basierend auf mikrosoziologischen Fallstudien gibt dieser Artikel neue empirische Einblicke in die organisatorische Identität einiger dieser NRO. Dieser Artikel analysiert die Art und Weise, wie zwei der größten muslimischen NRO Hilfe islamisieren sowie den Typ Islam, den sie in diesem Prozess aufbauen, und erörtert, wie sich dies auf deren Position auf dem Gebiet der modernen Hilfe bezieht. Die International Islamic Relief Organization of Saudi-Arabia und die britische Islamic Relief sind emblematische Beispiele von gegenwärtigen transnationalen muslimischen NRO - jede Organisation zeigt eine andere Art und Weise, den Islam zu verstehen: Eine begünstigt einen allumfassenden Islam, der in fast allen Aspekten der Organisation eingebettet ist, während die andere einen gewissermaßen säkularen Islam demonstriert, meistens relegiert zum persönlichen Lebensraum. Basierend auf verschiedenen Interpretationen des Global War on Terror und Mainstream-Diskurs bezüglich Entwicklung islamisieren beide Organisationen Hilfe auf verschiedene Art und Weise. Der Artikel schlussfolgert, dass die beiden NRO am besten als Pole in einem Kontinuum zu verstehen sind – eine mit eingebettetem Islam, wo Hilfe durch und durch islamisiert ist und die Integration in Mainstream-Entwicklung und humanitäre Hilfe blockiert wird, die andere, mit unsichtbarem Islam, wo Hilfe fast säkularisiert ist und die Integration ins Gebiet Hilfe erleichtert wird.

Resumen

Las ONG transnacionales musulmanas son actores importantes en el ámbito de la ayuda humanitaria y para el desarrollo. A través de estudios de caso microsociológicos, este artículo ofrece nuevas perspectivas empíricas sobre la identidad organizativa de algunas de estas ONG. Utilizando la ayuda posterior al 11 de septiembre como una ventana a través de la cual explorar las ONG transnacionales musulmanas, el artículo analiza cómo dos de las principales ONG musulmanas islamizan la ayuda y los tipos de Islam que construyen en el proceso, y debate la relación que tiene este hecho en su posición en la ayuda contemporánea. International Islamic Relief Organization (la Organización Islámica de Ayuda Internacional) de Arabia Saudí y Islamic Relief (Organización de Ayuda Islámica) de Britania son ejemplos emblemáticos de ONG musulmanas transnacionales de hoy, cada una de ellas con su propia manera de entender el Islam: una fomenta un Islam omnipresente, inserto en casi todos los aspectos de la organización, mientras que la otra defiende un Islam casi secular, relegado con frecuencia a la esfera personal. Asimismo, las dos organizaciones islamizan la ayuda de distintas maneras, en función de distintas interpretaciones de la Guerra Mundial contra el Terrorismo y de los discursos convencionales sobre el desarrollo. El artículo concluye que las posiciones de las dos ONG se entienden mejor como polos en continuo, que abarcan desde un Islam omnipresente, que defiende una ayuda cien por cien islamizada y que bloquea la integración en la ayuda humanitaria y para el desarrollo convencional, a un Islam invisible, acompañado por ayuda casi secularizada que facilita la integración en este campo.

摘要

跨国穆斯林 NGO(非政府组织)在发展和人道主义援助领域中成为重要的行动者。本文通过微观社会学个案研究,对其中的一些 NGO 在组织身份方面提供了新的、以经验为主的见解。利用 911 后援助领域作为探讨跨国穆斯林 NGO 的窗口,本文分析了两个最大的穆斯林 NGO 提供的伊斯兰化援助方法以及在这过程中所建立的伊斯兰教义种类,并讨论这与其在现代援助领域中所占位置之间的关系。作为当今跨国穆斯林 NGO 的象征性例子,沙特阿拉伯国际伊斯兰救缓组织和英国伊斯兰救缓组织各自代表了对伊斯兰教义理解的不同方法:一家提倡全部包含的伊斯兰教义,几乎植入了该组织的各个方面;而另一家则演示了准世俗伊斯兰教义,通常降低到个人范围。同样地,基于其对全球反恐战以及主流发展论述的不同解释,两家组织的伊斯兰化援助方法有所不同。本文的结论是对这两个 NGO 立场对最佳理解为(它们)有如两根柱子,位于一条连续统中。该连续统由一个鼓励彻底伊斯兰化援助并阻止整合到主流发展和人道主义援助领域的、植入的伊斯兰教义,向着一个伴随了一个几乎世俗的、并促进整合到援助领域的援助的无形伊斯兰教教义延伸。

ملخص

المنظمات الغير حكومية(NGO) الإسلامية عبر الحدود الوطنية تعتبر جهات فاعلة هامة في مجال التطوير و المساعدات الإنسانية. من خلال دراسات حالة صغيرة إجتماعية، هذه المقالة تزود قدرات على رؤية تجريبية جديدة بشأن هوية تنظيمية لبعض هذه المنظمات الغير حكومية (NGOs). إستخدام ما بعد 9.11 المساعدة الميدانية كنافذة من خلالها يتم إكتشاف المنظمات الغير حكومية(NGOs) الإسلامية عبر الحدود الوطنية، المقالة تحلل الطرق التي فيها إثنان من أكبر المنظمات الغير حكومية(NGOs) يصبغان المعونة بصبغة إسلامية و أنواع الإسلام الذين ينشؤوه في هذه العملية، مناقشة كيف أن هذا له علاقة بموقفهم في مجال المساعدات المعاصرة. منظمة الإغاثة الإسلامية الدولية الخاصة بالمملكة السعودية و الإغاثة الإسلامية البريطانية كأمثلة رمزية للمنظمات الغير حكومية(NGOs) الإسلامية عبر الحدود الوطنية اليوم، كل منهم يعرض طرق مختلفة لفهم الإسلام، أحدهما تشجيعه يشمل الإسلام، جزء لا يتجزأ من جميع الجوانب تقريباً للمنظمة؛ في حين أن الآخر يدل على أن الإسلام شبه علماني ، وغالبا ما هبط إلى المجال الشخصي. كما أن، هاتين المنظمتين يصبغان المعونة بصبغة إسلامية بطرق مختلفة، إستناداً على تفسيرات للحرب العالمية على الإرهاب و تيار خطابات التنمية. تختتم المقالة بأن أفضل تفهم لمواقف المنظمتين الغير حكوميتين كأعمدة في سلسلة متصلة، المعونة تمتد من إسلام مشمول، تشجيع معونة ذات صبغة إسلامية وعرقلة الاندماج في ميدان من التيار الرئيسي للتنمية والمساعدة الإنسانية، للإسلام غير المرئي، مصحوبا بمعونة تقريباً علمانية وتسهيل الإندماج في مجال المعونة.

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Notes

  1. See e.g. Clarke and Jennings (2008), Haynes (2007), Marshall and van Saanen (2007) and Tyndale (2006) on religious NGOs in general, and Bradley (2005) and Bornstein (2003) on Christian NGOs.

  2. For literature on local Muslim NGOs, see, e.g. Harmsen (2008), Sparre and Juul Petersen (2007), and Wiktorowicz (2001) on Jordan; Clark (2004) on Egypt, Yemen and Jordan; Jawad (2009) on Lebanon; and Benthall (Benthall 2008a) on Palestine.

  3. See e.g. Burr and Collins (2006), Kohlman (2006), and Levitt (2006) on Muslim NGOs and their alleged links with Al Qaeda, Hamas and other militant networks. For more sober analyses of transnational Muslim NGOs and their relations to different political Islamic groups, see e.g. Benthall and Bellion-Jourdan (2003), Kaag (2007), and Bellion-Jourdan (in Feher 2007).

  4. See e.g. de Cordier (2009b), Benthall (2008b) and Brikci (2005) for discussions of the benefits of ‘cultural proximity’; Kirmani and Khan (2008) for a discussion of Islamic Relief’s work with refugees; and Benedetti (2006) on comparisons between Muslim and Christian NGOs. A sub-strand of this literature is written by people who are themselves working in transnational Muslim NGOs, discussing complementarities between Islamic theology and mainstream development principles. See e.g. Abuarqab (2010), Krafess (2005), and several papers written by Islamic Relief staff (www.islamic-relief.com).

  5. See e.g. Howell and Lind (2009), Shaw-Hamilton (in Alterman and von Hippel 2007), and Sidel (2006).

  6. Exceptions are Clarke’s recent study of the partnership between Muslim Aid and UMCOR (2010); and Ahmed’s analysis of three transnational Islamic NGOs in sub-Saharan Africa (2009).

  7. Lincoln’s definition of religion is a response to Talal Asad’s claim that there cannot be a definition of religion. Asad (1993, p. 29) argues that ‘there cannot be a universal definition of religion, not only because its constituent elements and relationships are historically specific, but because that definition is itself the historical product of discursive processes’. To this Lincoln argues that all language and definitions are historical products of discursive processes—a fact that does not necessarily mean that all attempts at definition are in vain. Instead, he advocates an understanding of definitions not as definitive attempts to capture the innate and complete essence of things, but merely as provisional attempts to clarify one’s thoughts (2003, p. 2). It is in this spirit that the above definition should be understood.

  8. In line with this understanding of ‘religion’ and ‘Islam’, the present analysis promotes a definition of Muslim NGOs as those NGOs that constitute themselves with reference to Muslim discourses, i.e. NGOs that define themselves as Muslim, either by simply referring to Islam in their name, or by explicitly referring to Islamic traditions, figures or concepts in their activities (see e.g. Benedetti (2006) for a similar definition). Reliance on self-definitions is not entirely unproblematic, but makes sense in the present analysis insofar as it focuses on how Muslim NGOs consciously use and promote certain understandings of ‘Islam’.

  9. With ‘aid field’ I refer to actors, structures, discourses and practices concerned with the provision of development and humanitarian aid. Important actors in the contemporary aid field are intergovernmental institutions such as the United Nations, the World Bank and the Development Assistance Committee, governmental donor agencies such as USAID, DfID and GTZ, and large NGOs such as Oxfam, World Vision, Care, Save the Children and others.

  10. Among certain researchers (e.g. Yin 1989), case studies are only found useful insofar as they contribute to science by representing, or rejecting the general, based on a positivist epistemology with strict demands for ‘validity’ and ‘scientific value’ (Lind Pedersen 2002, p. 39). Rejecting such attempts to apply the rules of natural science to social science, Flyvbjerg (2006) argues that social science is instead about understanding meaning and how it is constructed (see also Stake 1994, p. 236). And for this, case studies seem particularly apt methods, insofar as they, through their thick descriptions and rich detailed studies are capable of grasping the complexity of meaning construction in other ways than e.g. more quantitatively oriented studies (Flyvbjerg 2006, p. 223).

  11. The data collected is part of a larger research project for a PhD on ideologies of aid in four transnational Muslim NGOs, apart from Islamic Relief and IIROSA including the British Muslim Aid and the Kuwaiti International Islamic Charitable Organization.

  12. As a non-Muslim female from a Western country, I had expected at least some animosity on the part of staff members in IIROSA, but this was not the case. On the contrary, most people expressed appreciation of my research topic and seemed eager to convey to me what they saw as ‘the true image of Islam’. For a discussion of fieldwork in the Middle East, see e.g. Clark (2006).

  13. This included approx. 4 weeks in Britain, 2  weeks in Kuwait, 2 weeks in Saudi Arabia, 1 week in Jordan, 1 week in Lebanon, and 5 weeks in Bangladesh.

  14. For literature on the history of charity in Islam, see Singer (2008).

  15. Starting in the mid-twentieth century, the Islamic resurgence denotes a global movement of renewed interest in Islam as a relevant identity and model for community, manifested in greater religious piety and Muslim solidarity; in a growing adoption of Muslim culture, dress codes, terminology, and values by Muslims worldwide; and the introduction of Islamically defined institutions and organizations—such as the Muslim NGOs (Lapidus 2002, p. 823).

  16. For a more detailed history of transnational Muslim NGOs, see e.g. Bellion-Jourdan (in Feher 2007), Benthall and Bellion-Jourdan (2003), and Ghandour (in Weissman 2004).

  17. Numbers extracted from the online Union of International Associations database (www.uia.be), accessed in March 2010.

  18. As noted by an anonymous reviewer, the analysis of transnational Muslim NGOs, their organizational forms, history and future development could benefit from more general literature on civil society and social welfare, inspiring a comparative perspective. Examples of such literature could be, e.g. Enjolras and Sivesind (2009), Salamon and Anheier (1998), or Kuhnle and Selle (1992).

  19. Among others, Al Haramain (based in Saudi Arabia), the Holy Land Foundation (USA), the Global Relief Foundation (USA) and Benevolence International (Saudi Arabia).

  20. So far, only one transnational Muslim NGO has been convicted of funding militant Islamist activism—the Holy Land Foundation, in 2009 convicted for supporting Hamas. In 2003, the CEO of Benevolence International was convicted of fraud, while the charges against the organization itself were dismissed (Guinane 2006, p. 11).

  21. This was followed in 2004 by the announcement that a National Commission for Relief and Charity Work Abroad would be established, overseeing all NGO activities and public donations, and facilitating greater governmental control over the use of charitable funds (Clarke 2007, p. 84). The commission has yet to be established.

  22. Throughout history, religious organisations such as Catholic hospitals, Islamic foundations, and Buddhist monasteries, among many others, have provided aid to the poor. For histories of philanthropy and altruism in the different world religions, see e.g. Neusner and Chilton (2005) and Ilchman, Katz and Queen (1998). More recently, some of the first transnational NGOs were established by religious individuals and groups, including, e.g. Oxfam, which was founded by a group of Quakers. Today, many of the largest development NGOs are religious (e.g. World Vision which has an annual budget of 1.6 billion dollars), while numerous religious associations and community organizations are involved in social welfare activities locally and nationally. In Sub-Saharan Africa, for instance, the World Bank estimates that as much as 50% of all health and education services are provided by FBOs (James 2009, p. 7).

  23. The increasing interest has also manifested itself in various research projects and programmes, including the Berkeley Center’s ‘Religion and Global Development Programme’; and Birmingham University’s DfID-funded ‘Research Programme on Religions and Development’.

  24. In August 2002, the organization was, together with seven other NGOs, seven international banks, the Sudanese government and a number of individuals, sued by a group of families of the 9.11. victims (Saudia Online 19.08.2002, cf. Immigration and Refugee Board of Canada 2003). The case is still ongoing.

  25. The director of the Philippines office, Mohammad Jamal Khalifa, is the brother-in-law of Osama bin Laden and was considered by the US to be a senior Al Qaeda member. The Indonesia office was accused, among other things, of financing the establishment of training facilities for use by al Qaida associates (US Department of the Treasury 2006).

  26. Original punctuation and spelling has been maintained.

  27. In particular the war in Afghanistan is seen as a turning point in the relations with the US. In the 1980s, many young Saudis travelled to Afghanistan to fight with the mujahedeen. During this time, the IIROSA allegedly provided the mujahedeen with logistical support, and perhaps even financed training camps. Eager to build alliances in their fight against the Soviet, US and Saudi governments would, indirectly or directly, encourage this support to the mujahedeen, or the ‘freedom fighters’, as they called them (Hegghammer 2010). With the end of the war and the change of political tides, however, both the US and Saudi governments changed their attitudes towards the mujahedeen and the people having supported them. Many were arrested, and in IIROSA, the Secretary General was replaced in 1993 with a government sympathizer, presumably because of his relations with the mujahedeen.

  28. http://www.foca.net/Objectives.shtml (accessed November 2010).

  29. The Muslim tradition of waqf is another way of ensuring a stable income—the IIROSA has seven waqf buildings in Mekka and has plans to build more, hoping to cover one-third of the annual budget.

  30. This is the opinion of one staff member, and for many others, the religiosity of the organisation is much more that just a name.

  31. However, this does not mean that the organisation and its staff is not critical of many of the concrete measures taken by, e.g. the Bush administration.

  32. Whether these perceptions are true or not is beside the point. What is important is that many staff members consider the distinction between Western and Middle Eastern NGOs to be relevant and important.

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank staff in Islamic Relief and International Islamic Relief Organization for sharing their time, thoughts, experiences and knowledge with me, which I am deeply grateful for. Furthermore, I would also like to thank the following people for offering constructive criticism, comments and suggestions: Mamoun Abuarqub, Iram Asif, Jonathan Benthall, Catrine Christiansen, Selma Bukovica Gundersen, Atallah Fitzgibbon, Jeffrey Haynes, Ajaz Ahmed Khan, Louise Lund Liebmann, Peter Mandaville, Daniel Nilsson DeHanas, Catharina Raudvere, as well as two anonymous reviewers from Voluntas.

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  1. Department of Cross-Cultural and Regional Studies, University of Copenhagen, Copenhagen, Denmark

    Marie Juul Petersen

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Petersen, M.J. Islamizing Aid: Transnational Muslim NGOs After 9.11. Voluntas 23, 126–155 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-011-9185-5

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