Introduction

There is limited research related to African-American males in mathematics education (Corey 2000), in general, especially those achieving at high levels (Berry 2003; Stinson 2004), and in urban areas (Thompson and Lewis 2005). There has been a call to focus on research of high-achieving African-American males in mathematics education to counter the negative research, public discourse and technical reports regarding their low achievement, low enrollment in advanced mathematics courses (e.g., Algebra II, trigonometry, pre-calculus/calculus, statistics/probability) and underrepresentation in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) majors and career fields (Berry; Jett 2009; Stinson; Thompson and Lewis; Toldson and Esters 2012). According to the 2009 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP) data, 12 % of Black eighth grade boys were reported as being proficient in mathematics (Aud et al. 2012; National Center for Education Statistics [NCES] 2009). The National Science Board (2012) reported that African-American high school students earned the fewest advanced mathematics credits (1.4 %). African-American males who took advanced mathematics courses were more likely to earn higher scores on academic assessments, enroll in college, pursue STEM majors in college and complete a bachelor’s degree (Bozick and Lauff 2007; Chen and Weko 2009; NCES 2010). In 2009, Blacks received 7 % of all bachelor’s degrees; 4 % of master’s degrees and 2 % of PhDs in STEM fields (Chen and Weko).

Algebra is viewed as a gatekeeper to advanced mathematics courses in high school which also provides access to collegiate STEM disciplines that serve as entryways to high-paying occupations (Martin 2009; National Mathematics Advisory Panel 2008; National Council of Teachers of Mathematics 2000; National Science Board 2012; RAND Mathematics Study Panel 2003; Quality Education for Minorities Network [QEM] 2010; Toldson and Esters 2012). STEM-related learning options have been found to be limited for African-American males attending urban schools (QEM). For example, they often have (a) limited exposure to STEM activities (e.g., science fairs, field trips, etc.) and role models/mentors in K-12 settings; (b) problems learning mathematical content that go uncorrected; (c) peer relationships that adversely impact their academic and mathematics achievement and decision making; (d) challenges developing their academic, mathematics, racial and cultural identities in middle school; (e) less exposure to college preparatory mathematics curriculum and courses; and (f) complicated relationships with mathematics teachers (e.g., qualifications, low expectations, relationships) (Davis 2010; Thompson and Lewis 2005; Toldson and Esters; QEM).

In addition to limited options in STEM fields, researchers in the mathematics education community have urged that the development of African-American students’ mathematics and racial identities be taken seriously (Berry and McClain 2009; Berry et al. 2011; Davis and Martin 2008; Martin 2007; Nyamekye 2010). Mathematics identities refer to

the dispositions and deeply held beliefs that students hold about their ability to perform and participate effectively in mathematical contexts and to use mathematics to change the conditions of their lives. A mathematics identity encompasses a person’s self-understanding of himself or herself and how they are seen by others in the context of doing mathematics. Therefore, a mathematics identity is expressed in narrative form as negotiated self, is always under construction, and results from negotiation of our own assertions and the external ascriptions of others (Martin, p. 41).

According to Martin, mathematics identities do not develop in isolation from other identities students construct (e.g., racial, cultural, ethnic, gender, occupational, academic). Racial identity, specifically, refers to the ways Black students view themselves in relation to their larger community and other communities, how they understand their own position in society and the ways others position them, their meanings and importance of race (Nyamekye).

Much of the research that has explored high-achieving African-American males’ mathematical experiences has done so by either using no theoretical framework or frameworks that were divorced from their cultural heritage (see Sheppard 2005; Stinson 2004; Jett 2009; Thompson and Lewis 2005). Martin (2009) and Tillman (2002) have called for research focused on African-American students that use culturally- informed theoretical frameworks as a way to resist theoretical dominance. Adhering to Martin and Tillman’s guidance, the authors used African-centered worldview theory, a cultural framework to examine the meaning high-achieving African-American males attributed to mathematics. Using African-centered principles, the authors aimed to provide insight into the meanings four high-achieving African-American males attending an urban high school ascribe to mathematics, and how those meanings impacted their mathematical performance. The article begins by examining the literature on mathematics identity development, followed by a discussion of high-achieving African-American males in mathematics, in particular. Next, is literature on African-American males’ experiences learning mathematics in urban schools, then a discussion of Black males' racial and masculine identity development, proceeded by a discussion of African-centered worldview theory. The authors conclude by presenting the results, discussion and implications for high-achieving African-American males.

Mathematics Identity Development

Identity development has been found to be an important part of helping African-American males achieve at high levels in mathematics (Berry 2003; Stinson 2004). Adolescents explore and test alternative beliefs, ideas, and behaviors as they seek to define themselves and their place in society (Allison and Schultz 2001; Hooks 2004; Spencer 2001). During this time, youth begin to develop multiple identities, such as academic/intellectual identities, racial/ethnic identities, masculine/gender identities, and social identities (Allison and Schultz; Davis 2006; Gullan et al. 2011; Hooks 2004; Majors and Billson 1992). African-centered scholars believe that identity development is important to African-American males, in particular, because individual identity is connected to the larger group culture and gender identities (Hillard 1997; Nyamekye 2010; Shockley 2007).

Scholarly literature suggests high-achieving African-American males develop healthy positive identities of what it means to be African-American mathematics learners through racial and mathematics identity development in school (Berry and McClain 2009; Berry et al. 2011). Nyamekye (2010) examined eight African-American middle school students’ (four males and four females) racial and mathematics identity development using qualitative methods in an African-centered charter school and found that the school’s use of African and African-American culture and practices (e.g., relationships, community development) were instrumental in helping them develop racial and mathematics identities as African-American mathematics learners. She compared research findings from her study with other studies and concluded that students in African-centered charter schools developed stronger racial and mathematics identities that helped them to achieve in mathematics than African-American males in traditional public schools. Nyamekye’s methodological approach of determining stronger mathematics identities based on research findings from other studies was faulty given that stronger identities cannot be determined based on such comparisons.

Berry and McClain (2009) reported findings of a qualitative study that explored the racial and mathematics identity development of 23 high-achieving African-American males in 5th–7th grades. It was found that participants developed strong beliefs in their mathematical ability, and caring mathematics teachers, which all contributed to them developing positive mathematics identities. Participants’ parents were also found to engage their sons in racial socialization practices that helped them to develop healthy racial and mathematics identities as African-American male mathematics learners. In another qualitative study, Berry et al. (2011) found four factors that contributed to African-American males developing positive mathematics identities: (a) the development of computational fluency by third grade; (b) extrinsic recognition for academic achievement (i.e., grades, standardized test scores, tracking and gifted identification); (c) relational connections between teachers, families, and out-of-school activities; and (d) engagement with the unique qualities of mathematics.

McGee and Martin (2011) reported on a qualitative case study of Rob a Black male Ph.D. in applied mathematics. They examined Rob’s early years, growing up multiracial, mathematics learning and participation as racialized forms of experience, college experiences, gendered identity, complex racial identity and future aspirations. Given Rob’s complex racial identity (he self-identified some times as Black, Indian, Hispanic or other and notes that his father was white), he openly dismissed Afrocentricity, a foundational aspect of African-centered worldview theory and identity development, which suggest that African-centered views were not for all people who identified as being Black or African-American. This study also suggested that racial and cultural identity development was complex because it was sometimes influenced by racial and ethnic identities that were constantly under construction. Studies of African-American students must distinguish between racial and cultural identity development (see Berry and McClain 2009; Berry et al. 2011; Nyamekye 2010). The development of racial identity does not necessarily mean that it was connected to African and African-American culture given that race was a social construct and racial identity development does not directly connect to culture.

High-Achieving African-American Male Mathematics Learners

As scholarly research of African-American males has grown, so has interest in high-achieving African-American males’ mathematical experiences (Berry 2003; Stinson 2004) (see Table 1 for an overview of scholarship focused on high-achieving African-American males in mathematics from middle to graduate school). For example, Berry sought to understand the barriers and limitations middle school-aged African-American males’ experienced while learning mathematics. Five themes emerged from his research: (a) early experiences learning mathematics in and out of school contributed to high achievement later in academic career; (b) aggregated individual discrimination impeded access to gifted programs and advanced mathematics classes; (c) strong support systems (e.g., parents, family, etc.) to navigate against racial discrimination in school and mathematics settings; (d) drawing upon school/community resources (e.g., church, sports, extracurricular activities) to support high-achievement; and (e) self-empowerment through the development of strong self and mathematics identities.

Table 1 Research of high-achieving African-American males in mathematics
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At the high school level, Hrabowski et al. (1998) found that African-American males benefited from exposure to advanced mathematics courses, surrounded themselves with academically motivated peers, were positively influenced by their mathematics teachers, and participated in school-based organizations that focused on mathematics and science. Almost half of the African-American males in Hrabowski’s study were from single-family homes headed by mother or fathers with the majority being single mothers. McGlamery and Mitchell (2000) found that high-achieving African-American male high school students in their study had teachers with whom they developed a rapport that translated into them being active participants in their mathematics classroom. These students’ relationship with their teacher allowed for positive student–teacher interactions, which allowed students to ask higher-level questions, and promoted positive interactions among students. They also found that grouping African-American males in cohorts allowed them to develop positive academic and social group networks to belong.

Stinson (2004) captured the experiences of four African-American males in their early 20s who had been high-achieving and persisted in mathematics in high school. Findings revealed four primary factors that influenced students’ experiences in school as a whole and mathematics, in particular: (a) knowledge of family members/adults that benefited from formal education to receive financial and societal success; (b) family members who helped them develop and maintain high expectations; (c) caring and committed teachers and school administrators who helped them develop high expectations; and (d) developing relationships with other high achievers. Stinson found that these students’ experiences helped them to acquire strong mathematics identities that helped them to achieve at high levels in mathematics.

Noble (2009) sought to understand why some African-American men were able to achieve at high levels during their postsecondary education. He found that: (a) teacher influence that consisted of supportive verbal cues and classroom environment helped them to achieve at high levels in mathematics; (b) parents, siblings and/or extended family members building students’ confidence and self-esteem; (c) peer reinforced participants’ belief in their ability to do mathematics and contributed to them seeing themselves as capable mathematics learners; (d) perceptions of how other African-American males viewed mathematics encouraged them to achieve and persist in mathematics; (e) participants developed perseverance to learn mathematics by implementing particular problem-solving approaches; (f) African-American male teachers were viewed as a potential benefit to African-American males in terms of increasing academic achievement; and (g) prior experiences learning mathematics early and successfully impacted their motivation and achievement in mathematics.

Researching African-American males at the graduate level, Jett (2009) found that the following: (a) strong internal characteristics (e.g., cultural understanding, spiritual connections, and positive attitudes); (b) the ability to negotiate racial injustice; (c) the development of positive mathematics identities; and (d) positive outlooks of participating in mathematics contributed to their K-graduate school achievement and persistence in mathematics.

Based on this body of evidence, the following factors have been found to contribute to African-American males’ high achievement in mathematics: (a) early opportunities to learn mathematics; (b) advanced mathematics courses and programs; (c) parental, guardian and extended family support and advocacy; (d) peer support; (e) teacher encouragement and support; (f) extracurricular activities including sports; and (g) spiritual beliefs were all factors that shaped African-American males persistence and high-achievement in mathematics courses (Berry 2003; Jett 2009; Noble 2009; Stinson 2004). These studies have played a major role in instigating a paradigm shift to focusing on African-American males’ performance in mathematics in more positive terms. That is, a clear line of scholarly research focused on Black male students’ levels of high academic achievement has been established as opposed to a narrow focus on their failures. These studies also highlight important African-centered principles that consist of spirituality, community and relationships with family, peers, teachers and school administrators that helped African-American males achieve at high levels that were often ignored and not acknowledged as being connected to African or African-American culture.

A general critique of this line of research to date suggests that most of the theoretical frameworks used to understand and examine their experiences have not used research tools grounded in African and African-American culture (Martin 2009; Tillman 2002). For example, the theoretical framework, critical race theory, utilized by Stinson (2004) was not grounded in African and/or African-American culture. In fact, many of the frameworks that were used to understand the experiences of African-American males in mathematics were rooted in European culture (Nobles 2009) which limits the explanatory power of the findings to improve the collective conditions of African-American males and connect them to their cultural roots (Asante 1987). Lynn (1999) advocates for critical race theory to be grounded in African-centered philosophy when conducting research of African-Americans. Further, some studies did not use a theoretical framework to identify the key concepts or explaining their results (see Sheppard 2005; Thompson and Lewis 2005). The absence of a theoretical framework does not provide a unifying set of concepts or help to clarify key concepts studied. This study represents a small departure from these approaches by using an African-centered theoretical framework.

The majority of the research that has been conducted on high-achieving African-American males was a result of African-American scholars’ dissertation research, which speaks to the need for culturally appropriate frameworks (Martin 2009; Noble 2009). There has been a call for more research of high-achieving African-American males’ mathematical experiences, advanced mathematics course participation, mathematics and racial identity development, teacher and peer relationships (Berry 2003; Berry et al. 2011; Stinson 2004; Martin 2007; Thompson and Lewis 2005). This study’s intent is to contribute to the small body of research on this topic and fill several voids in the research literature by describing: (a) the meaning high-achieving African-American males ascribe to mathematics; (b) how African-American males’ lived experiences shape their meaning of mathematics, advanced mathematics course enrollment, teacher and peer relationships, interest in STEM majors and careers and develop multiple identities; and (c) how a culturally appropriate theoretical framework can help to understand the lived experiences and meaning high-achieving African-American males assign to mathematics, in urban settings. This study is important because it provides researchers and educators with a culturally informed resource for improving the performance and persistence of African-American males in mathematics. The meanings African-American males ascribe to mathematics may provide insight into their underrepresentation in STEM fields for which mathematics serves as a gatekeeper to these fields. Understanding the meaning African-American males ascribe to mathematics may help educators develop culturally relevant pedagogical strategies that will help more African-American males achieve at high levels in mathematics.

High-Achieving African-American Males in Urban Schools

Despite the growing scholarly trend of exploring high-achieving African-American males’ experiences learning mathematics, Tate (2008) argued that urban communities, specifically, were under-researched geospatial areas with regard to African-American students, in general and males, in particular. Some of the research about African-American males in urban areas has come from studies of African-American students’ mathematical experiences in urban schools where African-American males were also part of the study. For example, Sheppard (2005) found in his qualitative examination of African-American students that (a) support structures, (b) early exposure, (c) personal characteristics, (d) school trust and pride contributed to students’ high levels of achievement in mathematics. Sheppard found that African-American males’ mathematics teachers played a big role in their success, particularly having meaningful relationships with them, refusing to let them fail, forcing them to learn and reaching out to them to ensure that they were doing well. Many participants in the study were involved in extracurricular activities, such as sports teams and enjoyed being a top student at their school. The recognition they received as a function of participating in extracurricular activities motivated them to do well themselves, and encourage others at their school to improve academically, as well. In Richardson’s (2012) ethnographic qualitative study, he found that coaches in high-risk urban communities provided critical social, human and cultural capital for inner-city Black male youth, especially those being raised in single-parent households. White and Cones (1999) claimed that African-American males viewed sports as a means to achieve economic mobility.

Thompson and Lewis (2005) found the following four themes emerged from their qualitative case study of a high-achieving African-American male named Malik who attended an urban school: (a) advanced mathematics course enrollment; (b) a relationship between advanced course enrollment and career goals; (c) deep-seated goals; and (d) role models. They found that Malik and his peers were interested in advanced mathematics courses but there were no courses available. When Malik petitioned the school principal for advanced mathematics courses, scheduling conflicts interfered with other interested students taking the courses. Malik’s desire to attend a competitive college and career goal of becoming a military fighter pilot influenced his decision to enroll in advanced mathematics courses (e.g., Pre-Calculus/Calculus). Malik’s deep seated goals were to be (1) highly regarded at whatever he did (e.g., fighter pilot, math learner), (2) help others (e.g., military personnel, community members, students), and (3) be physically active. Malik and his peers had a wide range of people who served as role models and had a socializing impact on their lives. Malik’s principal, mathematics teachers, visiting university professor and peers were active socializers, that is, people who manipulated the students’ social world intentionally. The image socializers, according to Thompson and Lewis, were individuals with a value claim like rappers, entertainers and local “good-for-nothing” people in his surroundings.

Black Masculine Identity Development

The mathematics education literature has provided little insight into African-American males’ masculine identity development. Murrell (1994) found African-American males in his qualitative study tended to stay in front of the class during mathematical discourse for as long as they could when asked to give oral presentations, even after exhausting meaningful things to say about mathematics and it was a prominent feature of their interactions in the classroom. He indicated that “students were operating in the frame of maintaining face… they were more concerned about not losing their ‘cool pose’ or sense of masculine identity” (p. 563). Young men in Berry et al.’s (2011) study stated that African-American males in their mathematics classrooms preferred to be “cool” or “show off” for their peers. Nasir and Hand (2008) contend that the way African-American males make sense of what it means to be an African-American male was critical to understanding their participation, engagement and development of mathematics identities. These researchers found that African-American males’ identities were influenced by and constructed around sports as a means to define what it meant to be masculine because they identified with the stereotypical male cultural norms associated with basketball, specifically. Spencer (2001) suggested that as young African-American male adolescents begin to define their sense of self, they often subscribe to masculine identities that are influenced by other males, cultural norms and societal beliefs. Jackson and Dangerfield (2002) considered African-American masculinity to be a form of cultural property that is ritualistically, explicitly and implicitly validated by people during everyday interactions. Kimmel (1987) argued Black masculinity development hinged on relationships that were socially and historically constructed.

Many researchers have described cool pose as an expression of young African-American males’ development of masculinity (Hooks 2004; Majors and Billson 1992). Cool pose consisted of “young Black males adopt [ing] and display[ing] certain behaviors [e.g., unique handshakes walking styles, slang] attitudes, demeanors, and dress [e.g., expressive jewelry and clothing] that they perceive and intend to convey their coolness [even in sports], individual self-esteem, pride and adherence to their culture” (p. 255). For many African-American males, these unique expressive, colorful, stylish and theatrical behaviors were ways to act cool, define and validate self and masculinity, gain visibility and demonstrate pride. Several scholars have indicated that cool pose was rooted in African culture but do not fully represent the exact cool behaviors in Africa (Langley 1994; Majors et al. 1994). Majors et al. (1994) have argued that the culture-specific cool behaviors of African-American males were often misinterpreted, overreacted to and frighten their teachers and administrators causing them to experience academic and behavioral problems at school.

African-Centered Worldview Theory

There are many iterations of African-centered worldview theory with a considerable amount of overlap that paints a fairly consistent picture of what constitutes an African-centered worldview (Ani 1980; Kambon 1996). The common elements include the following: (a) harmony with nature; (b) relationships; (c) group survival; (d) collective responsibility; (e) commonality; (f) symbolic imagery; (g) morality; (h) spirituality; (i) death; and (j) immortality (Nobles 1991; Kambon 1996). The spiritual, relational, communal and identity development components of African-centered world view theory have been found to be crucial elements in terms of African-American males achieving at high levels in mathematics (Berry 2003; Nobles 2009; Jett 2009). According to Boykin (2000), African-centered theory involves spiritual, relational, communal and identity development. Spirituality refers to the belief in a higher power (e.g., God) that shapes and guides one life. Relationships and communalism conjoin and entails a commitment to social connectedness through social bonds and relations that transcend individual perspectives. There was an emphasis on sharing and contributing in support of the community as well as a person-to-person emphasis. Expressive individualism consists of identity development through the interplay between individualism and communalism where uniqueness was valued and individual identity was anchored in the larger group identity.

Many African-centered scholars assert that African-Americans have been indoctrinated with European cultures, traditions and worldviews as a means to draw them away from their own African culture, traditions and worldviews (Ani 1980; Asante 1987; Richards 1997; Woodson 1990). African-American males, it has been stated, have adopted Eurocentric culture, traditions and worldview at the expense of their own heritage which leaves a void in their development (Asante 1987). Eurocentric worldview consists of a strong focus on capitalism, materialism, individualism, separateness, and control (Kambon 1996). Scholars assert African-American males have internalized many of these cultural values, worldview and traditions of Europeans as a means of survival (Cartman 2011; Langley 1994). Further, according to Majors et al. (1994), “constant exposure to the Eurocentric value system of individualism and materialism has led many Black Americans to develop an interest in and desire for material goods. An emphasis on individualism and materialism naturally neutralizes values like unity, cooperation, and mutual respect,”; key components of the African-centered worldview that seeks to “elevate the interests of the community over those of the individual” (Majors, p. 257).

Research of high-achieving African-American males in mathematics education “cannot ignore the reality of cultural identity negotiation” (Jackson 2006, p. 139). African-Americans have distinct cultural characteristics (e.g., relationships, communalism, spirituality) associated with African and African-American culture that may contribute to them achieving at high levels in mathematics yet continue to go unrecognized and ignored (Ladson-Billings 1994; Richards 1997). For example, it is clear in the mathematics education research literature that high-achieving African-American males’ cultural identity is closely connected to the community of people (e.g., family, peers, teachers, etc.) with whom they have meaningful relationships that have helped them to achieve at high levels in mathematics (see Berry 2003; Nobles 2009; Jett 2009). Ladson-Billings argued

There has been a stubborn refusal in American education to recognize African-Americans as a distinct cultural group. While it is recognized that African-Americans make up a distinct racial group, the acknowledgement that this racial group has a distinct culture is still not recognized… Rarely investigated are possibilities of distinct cultural characteristics (requiring some specific attention)… (p. 9)

Being African-American implies a direct link to African ancestry; the cultural community to which African-American males belong; the preservation of African and African-American culture is critical (Jackson). African-centered worldview theory operates from the underlying assumption that many aspects of contemporary African-American culture have been retained from Africa and African cultural values must be pointed out to reconnect culturally (Ani 1980; Asante 1987; Davis 2005). Richards found that African “principles have been maintained and are a significant part of the mind set and overt actions of African-Americans who may not be aware that they are practicing cultural remnants of African ancestry” (p. 45).

African-centered worldview theory offers a theoretical perspective to ground African-American males’ cultural worldview, meaning of mathematics and high-achievement in mathematics. Roberts (1994) maintains,

African-American men must negotiate two cultural models of human relationships… The Euro-American model emphasizes values such as competition, individualism, and domination as central to the human condition. The African model for human relationships, conversely, stresses the importance of group and community needs over individual aspirations, cooperation over competition relationships, as well as interconnectedness among people (p. 384).

Both African and Eurocentric cultural models may be intact and simultaneously engaged. Jackson (2006) contended that it was difficult for African-American males to switch back and forth between both models and stay grounded in an African worldview while functioning in the Euro-American model. From an African-centered perspective, African-American males’ high-achievement cannot just focus on individual achievement which is a European construct because their achievement affects the success and survival of African-American males collectively (Jackson).

Methods

Qualitative research seeks to gather an in-depth understanding of research participants’ behavior and the reasons for such behavior (Creswell 2007). Qualitative research examines the reasoning behind decisions research participants make (Bogdan and Biklen 2003). Qualitative researchers collect and analyze interview and observational data, primarily. Several different qualitative traditions, approaches, and designs exist to investigate research questions. In the current study, the qualitative tradition of phenomenology was used to describe African-American male mathematics learners’ lived experiences, perceptions and realities (van Manen 1990). An underlying assumption of phenomenology is that every human has personal and unique perceptions and perspectives of the world as a whole, as well as their personal life and experiences (van Manen). The research questions guiding this study were as follows: (a) What African cultural characteristics help African-American males achieve at high levels in mathematics?; (b) What role do African cultural characteristics play in shaping the meanings high-achieving African-American male high school students ascribe to mathematics?; and (c) How do African-American males’ lived experiences shape the meanings they ascribe to mathematics?

Setting of Study

The study occurred in an urban city and school district on the East Coast with a racial composition of 64 % Black, 30 % White, 4 % Latino/a, and 2 % Asian students. The median household income was $40, 100 with approximately 22 % of the population living below the federal poverty level. The school district served over 80,000 students in preschool to 12th grade with a racial composition of 85 % Black, 8 % White, and 5 % Latino/a. Over 80 % of the students were eligible for Free and Reduced Meals (FARMS), an indicator the school district used to determine the number of families with lower income backgrounds. There were 23,000 students in grades 9–12 distributed across 29 high schools in the school district.

All participants attended a predominately Black urban high school that served approximately 1,700 students. The high school had a 96 % Black student population with 901 males and 798 females and a FARMS rate of 72 %. Approximately 15 % of the students received special education services, 63 % of the teachers held advanced professional certifications and students were offered college preparatory and vocational curricula. The average math score on the SAT for all students attending the high school was 350 for juniors and seniors. All students were required to pass an Algebra exit exam to graduate high school; 25 % passed the test.

The school sponsored several junior varsity and varsity sports teams: baseball, basketball, cross country, football, lacrosse, soccer, swimming, tennis, track and wrestling. There were also a number of extracurricular activities available to students: student government association, national honor society, yearbook, robotics, debate, literature, drill team, entrepreneurship/business and performing arts. A number of support services were offered to prepare students to graduate high school and attend college included college bound (a non-profit organization designed to prepare public and charter school students for college, earn a degree, achieve personal and career goals), high school exit exam preparation, twilight school (an evening school program intended to help students take/retake high school classes and graduate), mentoring, and peer mediation. There were Advanced Placement (AP) mathematics courses in pre-calculus, calculus and statistics, with all students required to take pre-calculus prior to graduating. The first author gained access to the school through the principal who identified mathematics teachers that assisted with identifying African-American males to participate in this study. After the teachers identified the students, the first author introduced herself to the students and invited them to participate in the study.

Participants

Participant selection was purposeful and nonrandom (Bogdan and Biklen 2003). Participants in the larger study consisted of six African-American males (five 11th graders and one 12th grader) who had achieved different levels of academic success while enrolled in high school mathematics courses. The four participants whose data was used for the current study were selected based on completion of their sophomore year and their common experience of being high-achieving African-American male high school mathematics students. High achievement was defined as grades of 80 or better in mathematics courses. Each of the male participants played a sport for their high school or the local community at one time or another. Bruce, Antonio, and Emmanuel were members of the varsity football team while Obadiah played on the lacrosse and swim teams (see Table 2).

Table 2 High-achieving African-American males’ profile
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Data Collection

Phenomenological research explores the personal construction of a person’s world through in-depth, unstructured interviews (Creswell 2007). The first author was the lead researcher. The data collection used in this research study consisted of in-depth, semi-structured interviews, classroom observations and document collection (e.g., report card, assignments, etc.) to support triangulation of data sources. A preliminary meeting, followed by three individual interviews were conducted with each African-American male high school student. The preliminary meeting was used to explain the study to each participant, discuss and distribute parental consent and student assent forms and get acquainted. Classroom observations and the first interview started after receiving the consent forms and approval from the mathematics teachers and principal. Classroom observations were conducted two times per week for 6 weeks. The classroom observations provided an opportunity to examine the relationship between participants’ interview responses and their individual classroom behaviors. The observations focused on the participants’ in-class behaviors such as work habits, mathematics class participation and interactions with peers and teachers.

The first interview was intended to understand the lived experiences of high-achieving African-American males in mathematics through their voice. The following are examples of some of the interview questions:

  1. 1.

    How would you describe your elementary, middle and high school experiences in mathematics classrooms?

  2. 2.

    How would you describe your mathematics teachers in elementary, middle and high school (include race, gender and important characteristics)?

  3. 3.

    What careers/jobs are you considering after you graduate high school? Have you considered pursing a mathematics-related career? Why or why not?

The second interview focused on questions about African-Americans and African-American males in mathematics. The following are sample questions:

  1. 1.

    Do you think African-American culture can help African-American males do well in mathematics? If so, how?

  2. 2.

    What can be done to make math more interesting to you and other African-American males?

  3. 3.

    What can be done to help African-American males who do not do well in mathematics become high-achievers in mathematics?

  4. 4.

    What teaching strategies or approaches have you found to be useful in helping you and other African-American males do well in mathematics?

The third interview focused on additional follow-up questions that emerged from or were missed in the first two rounds of interviews and classroom observations. For example, Antonio was asked questions about why he placed his head on the desk to take naps during mathematics class. Weekly peer debriefing sessions occurred between the coauthors based on availability to help keep the main researcher’s assumptions, biases and emotions minimized throughout data collection (i.e., bracketing). The authors used transcripts of approximately 75 h of classroom observations and interviews as the primary data sources.

Data Analysis

Data analysis occurred after data collection (Bogdan and Biklen 2003). Data from the interviews were transcribed verbatim by the first author. Each transcript was reviewed to ensure accuracy, clarity and totality of data by participants and researchers (Creswell 2007). Following Creswell’s guidance, a general review of the data was conducted by reading through interview transcripts, classroom observation notes and other artifacts (e.g. report cards, classroom assignments). Bogdan and Biklen’s suggestion to jot down ideas and notes in the margins of data sources was used as a general beginning data analysis strategy. For example, the first author wrote notes about students’ body language (e.g., relaxed, comfortable, etc.) and facial expressions next to different questions on the interview transcript, as well as thoughts about those nonverbal cues.

NVivo, a software tool designed to aid in qualitative analysis, was used to support data analysis. The researchers used Moustakas’ (1994) data analysis strategies by using the horizontalization process to group large amounts of text into significant statements and meaning for each participant individually. Then, the researchers met with one another multiple times to sift through the large amounts of data and develop clusters of meanings. Using NVivo, the team then grouped the meanings into themes across all participants. This analyzed data was used to facilitate discussions about the themes among the three African-American internal and external researchers (one internal female, one internal male and one external female). The female researcher was selected because she conducted research of high-achieving African-American students in mathematics and was useful in the exploration of common themes, disconfirming evidence. She also led discussions pertaining to similarities and differences between the study’s findings versus the larger body of research literature on high-achieving African-American students. The researchers used this process to remove overlapping data, repetitive statements, challenge patterns and assumptions and search for disconfirming evidence. The researchers used memos, reflective notes and data summaries to help better understand themes (Creswell 2007). Finally, the authors wrote the narrative for each participant and common themes to capture the essence of meanings high-achieving African-American males ascribed to mathematics (Creswell).

During data analysis, we identified female mathematics teachers as having an influence on African-American males’ achievement. We used these pieces of data to more closely explore how the students’ mathematics teachers influenced them to achieve at high levels and concluded that both male and female mathematics teachers contributed to their high achievement; however, some of the young men felt a special connection with their African-American male mathematics teachers that was not communicated in the same way for female mathematics teachers.

Researcher Subjectivity

There were two researchers for this study that self-identified as African-American. The African-American female was the lead researcher of the study and conducted the interviews and observational data. All the researchers had coursework in qualitative research, completed dissertations and published articles using qualitative research. Understanding African-American males’ underrepresentation in STEM career fields was one of the primary motivations for conducting this study. The researchers believed that African-American males in urban areas were not prepared for or do not see themselves represented in STEM careers. The authors were sincerely concerned about African-American male students attending schools in urban communities; particularly, understanding their lived experiences, perceptions and realities and preparing them for STEM careers. The African-American male researcher attended high school in the same context and shared similar experiences as the study’s participants. From the start of the study, the researchers collectively worked to refrain from adding their own judgments and past experiences about the meaning high-achieving African-American males ascribed to mathematics during data collection and before data analysis through the epoche and bracketing processes to achieve a more trustworthy study (Hays and Wood 2011).

Trustworthiness

Trustworthiness is comprised of credibility, transferability, dependability and confirmability (Lincoln and Guba 1995). Triangulation of multiple data sources (e.g., interviews, classroom observations and documents), member checking (e.g., having participants read transcripts, drafts and final individual narratives and common themes for accuracy and credibility), and epoche (e.g., withholding biases and assumptions during data collection by not making any judgments about the data) enhanced the study’s credibility. None of the participants suggested changes during member checking. Transferability was enriched by thick descriptions of the participants and their school to help enable readers to transfer information to other settings. Dependability related to the consistency of findings and use of multiple and different data sources, researchers, and methods that accentuated participants’ perspectives and emergent common themes. The use of the same human instrument to conduct interviews and observations helped to preserve dependability of the study and the likelihood of similar findings if the study were replicated by another researcher (Lincoln and Guba). Confirmability refers to the degree that data reflects the participants’ thoughts and lived experiences. To that end, the researchers also used epoche during data collection and analysis until statements and meanings sufficiently represented participants directly as reported by them. The researchers allowed participants to speak freely during interviews with minimal interruptions. Including an external African-American female researcher with no connection to the study to serve as a peer debriefer, examine findings, interpretations and conclusions also helped to improve interrater reliability of the study.

Results

Obadiah, Bruce, Antonio, and Emmanuel were pseudonyms used to protect participants’ identities. The results describe four high-achieving African-American males’ lived experiences that positively and negatively influenced the meanings they attributed to mathematics and subsequent performances. The following themes emanated from the study’s findings: (a) teacher influence; (b) peer influence; (c) achieving success through sports; and (d) economic mobility.

Teacher Influence

Teachers influenced participants through expectations, interactions, and relationships, based on three participants’ responses. According to the findings, participants seemed to be perceptive about the beliefs teachers held regarding their academic abilities. Specifically, they appeared to be conscious of whether their teachers held high or low expectations of them based on their teachers’ responses. According to Antonio,

I mean every report card my teachers would say, ‘I don’t expect no 85 or 89 total, I expect 100’s. I don’t even expect a 90.’ I’m like ‘okay, ya’ll hold me to high expectation, well I’m going to hold myself to a high expectation, because if ya’ll going to expect more from me, then that’s what I’m going to expect from myself.’

Bruce stated,

The teacher I have now, Ms. Braga, she just so kind, that you can’t help but want to do the work or try your best. She’s so encouraging and supportive and like, she doesn’t never ridicule you or put you down in any way. It makes you want to do the work, even if you don’t like it… the teacher can make it fun, they can make it hard, they can make it difficult, challenging so a lot of times it comes down to them.

Emmanuel spoke of his relationship with his middle school math teacher as follows:

Math teacher would talk to me every day, and pull me aside and would say, ‘You got to do this work, I believe in you and I know that you can do it… I see the potential in you. I know that you can do it. You see it but you not pushing yourself, you’re not living up to your potential.’ I think it was that motivation which just made me say, ‘Well, I got to do this,’ and I did it, you know… and I’m doing very well in math.

The data revealed that participants appreciated the personal and academic relationships they had with their African-American male teachers. In particular, they seemed to believe their relationships with African-American male teachers played a role in their interest and attitude towards mathematics learning. Bruce described Mr. Lee his 8th grade mathematics teacher as follows:

Really cool Black guy. He was so cool. He had the afro and everything. He was kinda young, maybe in his 40’s. Man, me and Mr. Lee used to get along. He used to be my buddy. I used to stay after school with him and I would come early in the morning and we would sit there and have breakfast and lunch together. He would have tutoring sessions and all types of stuff and I would be right there. He was just cool. Math was pretty easy with Mr. Lee, you know, I caught on really fast… He taught me Algebra.

Obadiah recalled Mr. Smith, his 6th grade African-American mathematics teacher:

“Cool and funny and he was young… we would wrestle with him during gym and stuff, like he was so cool with the students… Mr. Smith was nice and it would be easy to understand him and when I become a teacher, I’ll probably teach like him and be cool and stuff like him… Mr. Smith would crack jokes that would help us remember math formulas. He was real animated.

Peer Influence

Participants’ peers appeared to influence their approaches to learning and subsequent achievement in mathematics. Antonio commented, “[in] 9th grade I sat there and I really didn’t care. I had just got out of middle school and I just wanted to have fun. I didn’t wanna do no work, I’m gonna chill back. I was like a 70 is okay with me. Then I got to the 10th grade, one of my teachers, Ms. Hudson, she influenced me… and then I was like I gotta come back and show them that I’m smart… I was a totally different person.” Emmanuel admitted “I wasn’t so much into the math or school” in middle school. He further explained as follows:

It was more of my peers and my environment. I felt so comfortable in school and not really focusing on that subject … I felt as though it was a struggle for me because I had a lot of different peers that I could sit and talk with… It’s like in middle school, you trying to figure out who you want to be and what crowd you want to fit in with. Like, do you want to be the type of person that don’t do any work but is popular all over the school? Or do you wanna be a geek or nerd. Or do you wanna be in between where you do your work. Cause that’s where I wanted to fit in at, you know, be in between. I guess I couldn’t balance it. I think when I got to high school I really got it. I was in between. I was popular and everyone knew me but at the same time I got my work done and on time. I was able to balance the two at the same time.

Interestingly, as Emmanuel and Antonio progressed through high school, they began to create and embrace academic identities that were strong and positive without fear of reprisal from their peers. In fact, both of them mentioned that their peer groups began to serve as a positive force that influenced their identification with mathematics. For example, Emmanuel began to view himself as a leader whose success in mathematics would serve as a model for his peers to emulate. He commented, “I’m a leader for a lot of my peers. So they look at me as if ‘okay, well if he’s getting it right well I know I can get it right.’” He went on to share the following:

Since I’ve been in high school, they’ve [my peers] picked up on my strengths in math or have asked me how to do a problem and I would help them… I feel good about it, and you know it just keeps you more motivated, it keeps you more focused on what I need to do and I see I can help a lot of people.

The encouragement to do well in mathematics for Antonio was in proving that he was bright and could compete with the high-performers in his school:

They [peers] influence me to do better, like all the smart students in this school. I think about them whenever I do something. I’m not here to just get a grade, I’m here to prove that I’m one of the smartest kids in the school and I wanna be at the top. I wanna show everybody that I can sit with the best and brightest at this school…. In order to do that I have to go and match what all the other smart kids did and what they are gonna do in the future to come. And I have to stand up and rise to the occasion to what they do. Cause, I’m pretty sure they will have to do the same thing when they come against me. I have a competition in my head with all these other smart students.

Achieving Success Through Sports

All of the participants in this study pointedly acknowledged the amount of emphasis placed on sports among themselves, their peers, their communities and the larger society. Bruce stated, “sports are huge nowadays, whether it be basketball, football, or hockey, they are all over the place, soccer and everything… being good at it gives you recognition.” Emmanuel believed that “most of the youth today feel more interested in playing a sport than in getting an education. They are better at playing a sport, playing basketball, or football than they are at doing math.” When asked about his post-high school plans, Bruce commented, “Well because I’m playing football, I plan to get recruited and get a scholarship. An athletic scholarship is what I want, but if I can’t I’ll definitely take an academic scholarship.” Antonio thought that “They [peers] would rather see a football game than go and doing math homework page… they actually probably have hopes and dreams of doing that someday making it their full-time career… So, they are like, yeah, “Football is gonna be my life, so forget about math, it’s all about football” Emmanuel shared similar thoughts as Antonio by saying “most youth do not want to participate in any math things, you know, like I said, sports are the most popular thing there is, you know, that any youth will do right now. They look at that to be their ticket out of, out of anywhere”. Participants expanded on the ways in which limited role models might have an impact on the meaning African-American males attribute to mathematics. According to Emmanuel, “If you look at sports you have a lot of different role models that you can look at. They don’t see it for math, so people don’t see that for math. You can look at it as though, no role model, no success. So there’s nowhere to go”. In support of this notion, Antonio commented, “There ain’t nobody out there for us, you know, no black males with math and all that in their heads. All we see is gang bangers on TV, rapping and sports.”

Economic Mobility

Although mathematics-related fields have been characterized as lucrative careers, the African-American males in this study did not see these careers as a means to earn a living. All of the participants commented on the significance African-American males place on money. Many of them believed that learning mathematics could be made enticing to African-American males if they were shown ways to earn large sums of money as a function of high mathematical achievement. Bruce, for example, believed that advocates who seek to increase the number of African-American males in mathematics would have to “show them the money.” He explained as follows:

You see money is the thing. Even if there were tons of mathematicians out there, Black male mathematicians and they got lots of publicity and so forth, you still wouldn’t really look at them unless they were making big money. That’s how I feel. I mean money gets you things. You can buy expensive things; you can have just about anything you want.

To get Black males interested in mathematics, Bruce believed that advocates would have to “show them [Black males] a way to earn money through it. I think that will get them interested in it.” Antonio echoed Bruce’s comments by saying “When it comes to Black males and numbers, if you put it in terms where they can make money, they would hop on it. It’s like, ‘It’s gonna get me this, and it’s gonna get me that.’ Just as long as it’s gonna give something to them, they would want it. Emmanuel stated, “Black males love sports and money. If you can relate math to sports, they will pick it up like that or relate it to money, clothes, [or] anything… that interests them.” Antonio provided greater insight into the significance of having power and the role money has in the power structure:

Have you ever heard the phrase, the rich get richer and the poor get poorer? That’s what it is. The rich has the most money, they have power to shape the world as they see fit. The poor has to just sit there and accept it and live in it… If you have the money and the means to do it, you can shape the world as you see fit. When you have power then there is nothing that can stop you.

Bruce added,

As much as you may hate it or not like it, if you have money, you have power, I mean it’s just that simple. So if you have a lot of money and you have a lot of power, you can influence things. Your place in society will definitely rise, you’ll be able to have more expensive things, people will recognize you as having money, and they’ll label you a little differently, but all that comes with the money. So having money probably gives you a better lifestyle and everything, it’s not good for the ones who don’t have money, definitely, that’s just how it works.

Discussion

The results of this study are consistent with the research literature on high-achieving African-American males in mathematics and adds to the research literature base by using African-centered worldview theory, a culturally-informed theoretical framework, to understand the mathematical experiences and meaning they ascribe to mathematics. The small body of research on high-achieving African-American males in mathematics has drawn attention to important African-centered principles that consist of relational, communal and identity development and spirituality to African-American males achieving at high levels that were often ignored and not acknowledged as being connected to African or African-American culture (See Berry 2003; Nobles 2009; Jett 2009). These four principles are closely linked to one another and are important because they promote collective mathematical achievement over individual mathematics achievement; collective responsibility over individualism and materialism with the intent of ensuring the collective success and survival of people of African descent.

The results of this study revealed that the relational component of African-centered worldview theory was instrumental in helping African-American males develop their own personal meanings for mathematics that were connected to the social bonds and relations they developed with teachers and peers in and out of their mathematics classrooms. This finding is consistent with the extant research on high-achieving African-American males in mathematics (Berry 2003; Berry and McClain 2009; Berry et al. 2011; Hrabowski et al. 1998; Jett 2009; McGlamery and Mitchell 2000; Nobles 2009; Nyamekye 2010; Sheppard 2005). The personal and academic relationships African-American males developed with their mathematics teachers and peers were important to them learning and displaying their knowledge of mathematics and developing meanings of mathematics beyond individual acquisition of mathematical knowledge. These relationships, based on high expectations, seemed to foster a strong desire amongst participants to assist their peers in learning mathematics, as well.

The results are not consistent with some studies that have found that African-American males achieved high levels of success in mathematics despite teachers who did not seem to possess high expectations and form relationships with their students (Jett 2009; McGee and Martin 2011). In cases where African-American males in the current study did not have established relationships with their mathematics teachers, these adults still offered encouragement and held students to high expectations. High expectations and encouragement from their teachers appeared to transform African-American males’ views of themselves, which impacted their approach to learning mathematics. Three study participants specifically indicated that their mathematics teacher’s high expectations translated into them expecting to earn good grades. So, it seemed their mathematics teacher’s support and encouragement made them feel as though they had to work up to their potential and that they could do well in mathematics and help others. The transformational impact of high expectations, support and encouragement from mathematics teachers is consistent with research of high-achieving African-American males who have been found to use that inspiration to help other students in their schools achieve at high levels in mathematics, too (Berry and McClain 2009; Berry et al. 2011; Hrabowski et al. 1998; Sheppard 2005; Thompson and Lewis 2005).

The results from this study indicate that the communal aspect of African-centered worldview theory is consistent with and extends the research literature on high-achieving African-American males, particularly as it pertains to perceptions of their experiences in mathematics, specifically. In the research literature to date, the community supporting high-achieving African-American males consists primarily of family members, mathematics teachers, administrators and peers (Berry 2003; Hrabowski et al. 1998; Jett 2009; McGlamery and Mitchell 2000; Nobles 2009; Sheppard 2005; Stinson 2004). These people assumed collective responsibility for ensuring African-American males learned academic and mathematics topics, advocated for them to gain access to gifted/advanced courses and specialized mathematics programs in elementary, middle and high school. In addition, these systems of support have been found to help students navigate issues in which they felt they were unfairly treated because of their race. From an African-centered perspective, the social bonds and relations that African-American males developed in and out of their mathematics classrooms went beyond an individual focus and to more of a communal approach of learning mathematics for the benefit of others.

The family members’ role in helping African-American males achieve at high levels was not found to be a salient factor in this study, however. Instead, the findings from this study indicate that community members that supported high academic achievement levels among African-American males mainly consisted of mathematics teachers and peers. The findings also suggested African-American males developed an affinity for high achievement in mathematics through the interplay between individualism and communalism, which led to individual identity development that seemed to be influenced by their connection to peer groups. In some instances, this peer connection hindered them and in others, it served as a benefit. For example, two participants spoke at length about how they tried to develop their individual identity among their peers and how it lead to them not doing well in mathematics.

The study participants' perception of African-American males interest in sports and desire to play sports professionally and achieve economic mobility also appeared to impact their identity development and pursuit of STEM related careers. The participants in this study felt that people who wanted to get African-American males to purse STEM careers would have to help them to see that they can make large sums of money and they would have to address African-American males interest in and desire to play sports because the students have more African-American male role models that they identify with in the sports and entertainment arena. Study participants suggest that African-American males place a high premium on sports and acquiring large sums of money because they view it as a means to obtain power and material possessions like other African-American males, in the larger society. From an African-centered perspective, African-American males who focus on acquiring money, material possessions and power have been influenced by Eurocentrism and deters them from focusing on collective responsibility and group survival.

The role of spirituality in helping African-American males achieve at high levels in mathematics is a salient finding in the extant research literature (Berry 2003; Jett 2009; Nobles 2009; Stinson 2004). Spirituality was not a salient finding in this study, however, this is consistent with Thompson and Lewis (2005) and McGlamery and Mitchell’s (2000) research on this topic. It is not clear from other studies if researchers asked participants directly about their spiritual practices or whether participants volunteered the information because it was an important part of their life. The current study did not ask any questions related to spirituality nor did any of the young men discuss the role of spirituality in their lives during the research process.

The mathematics education research literature has clearly described key African-centered principles that have helped African-American males achieve at high levels (Berry 2003; Jett 2009; Nobles 2009; Stinson 2004). From an African-centered perspective, participants’ perceived that their individual achievement had an impact on the success and survival of their African-American male peers. If this is a true causal relationship (which is clearly beyond the scope of this study to predict), there is a serious need to use knowledge gained from high-achieving African-American males to help low-performing African-American males achieve at high levels in mathematics. It is also imperative that African-American males develop healthy mathematics, racial, cultural, masculine and occupational identities to help them achieve at high levels and, if appropriate, prepare them to purse STEM careers. Given that teacher and peer relationships were clearly found to be instrumental in helping African-American males develop healthy mathematics identities and achieve at high levels, special attention should be paid to African-American males’ support systems throughout their schooling experiences if they are to be expected to succeed in mathematics.

Limitations and Future Research

There are several limitations and areas of future research associated with study. First, there appear to be areas related to spirituality, sports and family involvement that are prevalent in the literature but were not explored in great detail during the interview process. Asking questions about sports and family involvement may have offered insight into how relationships and community membership developed outside of the mathematics classroom to help the student’s achieve in mathematics collectively. It would be useful to explore whether the exclusion of these topics was a function of the researchers not asking questions related to these areas or if participants truly do not consider them to be an important aspect of their lives, which would contradict much of the literature currently devoted to this student population. Research of high-achieving African-American males in mathematics is still in its beginning stages (Berry 2003; Jett 2009; Nobles 2009; Stinson 2004). There is a need for more research of both high- and low-achieving African-American male students to better understand how to support African-American males of all achievement levels as they work to find success in mathematics classes. It would be useful to explore whether or not there are different systems of support found to be effective with low- versus high-achieving students. Oftentimes, students are viewed in monolithic terms and offered similar sorts of support. It seems to make sense that there are probably more nuanced, effective means to support students that is grounded on their levels of achievement. There is also a need for more research of African-American males of all ability levels that utilizes culturally-informed theoretical frameworks to better understand the distinct cultural characteristics at play when they are learning mathematics and how it promotes collective mathematics achievement and responsibility. Future research of African-American males' racial and mathematics identity development must distinguish between racial and cultural identities (Berry and McClain 2009; Berry et al. 2011; Nyamekye 2010). While both identities are important, there needs to be a conscious focus on the development of African-American males' cultural identity to better understand how to foster collective mathematics achievement, collective responsibility and culturally informed masculine identities. There also needs to be future research of how sports (Nasir and Hand 2008) and money impact African-American males drive to learn mathematics and purse STEM related careers. In terms of quantitative research studies, there is a need for scholarship with the capability of generalizing the factors found to be most effective in supporting African American male high-achievers in all subjects, including mathematics.