Abstract
Durkheim’s classical theory of suicide rates being a negative index of social solidarity downplays the salience of gendered concerns in suicide. But gendered inequalities have had a negative impact: worldwide significantly more men than women perpetrate fatal suicides. Drawing on narratives of 52 fatal suicides in Bushbuckridge, South Africa, this article suggests that Bourdieu’s concepts of ‘symbolic violence’ and ‘masculine domination’ provide a more appropriate framework for understanding this paradox. I show that the thwarting of investments in dominant masculine positions have been the major precursor to suicides by men. Men tended to take their own lives as a means of escape. By contrast, women perpetrated suicide to protest against the miserable consequences of being dominated by men. However, contra the assumption of Bourdieu’s concept of ‘habitus’, the narrators of suicide stories did reflect critically upon gender constructs.
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Notes
Only amongst the Luo of Kenya did women suicide victims outnumber men: 59% of the Luo suicide victims were women (Bohannan 1960, p. 261).
See, for example, the tables on suicide by marital status in different European countries (Durkheim 1951, pp. 176–178, 183).
A final form fatalistic suicide, stemming from excessive regulation is relegated to a brief footnote. This form involves ‘persons with futures pitilessly blocked and passions violently choked by oppressive discipline’. In this regard, he briefly alludes to the suicide of slaves, and of married women who are childless (Durkheim 1951, p. 276).
Marx (1999/1864) refers to only one suicide by a man: a member of the Royal guard who lost his job and killed himself rather than to be a burden to his family.
Strathern (1986) and Counts (1980) draw on psychoanalytic theory that a desire to kill another person is entwined in the act of killing oneself. Such suicides have been described as Samsonic—so named after the Bibical hero who pulled down the pillars of the house on his own head to kill his enemies (Jeffreys 1952).
It is important to distinguish between narratives of suicide and actual suicidal behaviour. The information that I present relates only to the former. However, it is important to bear in mind that these two domains of social reality are not discrete. The act of killing oneself is not a solo venture. Suicide is rich with meanings and intentions, deeply rooted in culturally patterned forms of thought and emotion (Douglas 1967). Hence, narratives of suicide provide a ‘script’ for individual acts of suicide (Kral 1996).
James (1988) observes a similar temporal displacement of discourses about gender amongst the Uduk of Sudan. Though the Uduk were agriculturalists at the time of her fieldwork, they used a lexicon from an earlier era of hunting to discuss constructs of masculinity.
Stølen (1996) applies the concept ‘hegemony’ to masculine dominance in rural Argentina, and shows how gender inequalities have been effectively ‘naturalised’. As in rural Argentina women of the lowveld seem to have idealised love, marriage and motherhood.
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Acknowledgments
The author thanks his field assistants Eliazaar Mohlala, the late Kally Shokane, and Eric Thobela for the latters' help during fieldwork, and also Rob Gordon, Michael Kral, Jean La Fontaine, Hal Scheffler, James Staples and Tom Widger for their critical comments and support.
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Due to the extremely sensitive nature of the information I present, I have used pseudonyms to disguise the name of the village and also the personal names in the article. Unless stated otherwise, all local terms are in Northern Sotho.
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Niehaus, I. Gendered Endings: Narratives of Male and Female Suicides in the South African Lowveld. Cult Med Psychiatry 36, 327–347 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11013-012-9258-y
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11013-012-9258-y