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Critical Memory Studies and the Politics of Victimhood: Reassessing the Role of Victimhood Nationalism in Northern Ireland and South Africa

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Victims of International Crimes: An Interdisciplinary Discourse

Abstract

This chapter examines the role of victimhood nationalism in post-conflict societies. It elaborates on the advancing discipline of “memory studies” by reassessing the roles of memories in societies like Northern Ireland and South Africa. Based on extensive field research in both case studies, this chapter makes the case for the establishment of so-called “critical memory studies”. Such an approach would take into account the contentious and conflict-ridden nature of “victim” and “victimhood”: The definition of a “victim” is bound to be dominated by victimhood nationalism in post-conflict societies, while victimhood nationalism is interrelated with the demand for dealing with the past. Critical memory studies may, thus, add a new perspective to the conventional wisdoms of transitional justice because they challenge the very concept of “victimhood” and its applicability. As a key analytical consequence, this chapter wants to draw awareness of the inherent dialectic of memory: On the one hand, there is the possibility of exploitation of memory through acts of memoralisation; while on the other hand, memory practices can acquire transformative quality in themselves. In order to analyse this dialectical nature of memory, critical memory studies will have to interpret violence as embedded within a collective memoralisation by the referent communities.

The author is Lecturer and Senior Researcher at the Department of Political Science at the Albert-Ludwigs-University of Freiburg, Germany.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The term “memory” shall be defined as the creation of meaning and significance to the past in order to reconstruct the past, but also to be able to sequence the presence and the future (see Assmann 1999b).

  2. 2.

    This definition is adopted from the “rationale” of a journal named “Memory Studies” (see http://www.mss.sagepub.com/).

  3. 3.

    Assmann A 2011a, b; Assmann and Shortt 2011; Margalit 1997, 2002; Brown 2008; Sutton 2009; Wright and Davies 2010.

  4. 4.

    Cairns and Roe 2003; Diner 1996.

  5. 5.

    Assmann A 1996, 1999a, 2006, 2011a, b; Assmann J 1999b, 2000, 2005; Hamber and Wilson 2003.

  6. 6.

    Assmann and Shortt 2011, p. 1. See also the comments by Jay Winter: “Memory has power […] only when people come together in political life and transform representations of the past into matters of urgent importance in the present. Words are weapons, and like all other weapons, on occasion they misfire, or they get hijacked by those who are their target. But they have been powerful agents of change, in the two generations which separate us from World War II.” (Winter 2011, p. xi).

  7. 7.

    Assmann and Shortt 2011, p. 4.

  8. 8.

    Assmann and Shortt 2011, p. 3.

  9. 9.

    Meier 1996, 2010.

  10. 10.

    Assmann A 2011b, p. 68.

  11. 11.

    Assmann A 2011b, p. 68.

  12. 12.

    Halbwachs 1966, 1967.

  13. 13.

    I have elaborated on these arguments in Baumann 2008 as well as Baumann and Kößler 2011.

  14. 14.

    Baumann 2008; Baumann and Kößler 2011.

  15. 15.

    BBC 1999.

  16. 16.

    The documentary was also published as a book (see Taylor 2000).

  17. 17.

    I have made this argument before (see Baumann 2010, 2011).

  18. 18.

    Baumann 2009, p. 109.

  19. 19.

    Lim 2010, p. 139.

  20. 20.

    Lim 2010, p. 139.

  21. 21.

    Lim 2010, p. 139.

  22. 22.

    Lim 2010, p. 139.

  23. 23.

    The term was coined by Buckley-Zistel (see Buckley-Zistel 2006, 2011).

  24. 24.

    Detailed victim statistics can be found in Smyth and Fay 2000.

  25. 25.

    Porter 2003, pp. 13–15.

  26. 26.

    Porter 2003, p. 21.

  27. 27.

    Burton 1999.

  28. 28.

    In an interview with the Swiss Weekly (see Die Wochenzeitung 2007).

  29. 29.

    Consultative Group on the Past 2009, p. 16.

  30. 30.

    News Letter 2009.

  31. 31.

    See also Flickr 2012.

  32. 32.

    IRA 2002.

  33. 33.

    IRA 2005.

  34. 34.

    Baumann 2008.

  35. 35.

    Smyth 1999, p. 37.

  36. 36.

    “Royal Ulster Constabulary” (RUC) was the name of the police force in Northern Ireland from 1922 to 2000.

  37. 37.

    Moltmann 2002, p. 43.

  38. 38.

    The IFP was founded in 1975 and has been led by Mangosuthu Buthelezi since. Buthelezi used a structure rooted in Inkatha, a cultural organisation of the Zulu ethnic group that has been established by Zulu King Solomon kaDinuzulu in the 1920s. The party was founded as the Zulu-dominated Inkatha movement by Buthelezi with explicit aim to counter the Xhosa-dominated ANC. Unlike the ANC, which sought to overthrow the apartheid system through armed struggle, Inkatha was pledged to represent Zulu interests by working within the Bantu homeland system established by the white apartheid regime (see Maré 1992). As a result of this conflict, the IFP and the ANC clashed politically as well as militarily, leading to a massive increase of deaths in the period between 1990 and 1994 (see the summary of the events in Baumann 2008, pp. 47–50).

  39. 39.

    The Boipatong massacre took place on 17 June 1992 in the township called “Boipatong” when IFP combatants killed 46 people who were perceived as being associated with the ANC. The massacre caused the African National Congress to a temporary walk-out of the negotiations to end apartheid (see the summary of the events in Simpson 2004 as well as Baumann 2008, pp. 47–49).

  40. 40.

    Pauw 1997, p. 128.

  41. 41.

    Simpson 2002, p. 244; Simpson 2004.

  42. 42.

    Simpson 2004.

  43. 43.

    Simpson 2004.

  44. 44.

    Wildschut 2000.

  45. 45.

    Boraine 2003, p. 165.

  46. 46.

    Boraine 2003, p. 165.

  47. 47.

    Personal Interview with Charles Villa-Vicencio, Cape Town, 17 June 2003 (quoted in Baumann 2008, p. 214).

  48. 48.

    Hayner 2000, p. 37.

  49. 49.

    Personal Interview with Robert Price, Berkeley, 9 March 2004 (quoted in Baumann 2008, p. 217).

  50. 50.

    Simpson 2002, p. 244.

  51. 51.

    Simpson 2004.

  52. 52.

    Simpson 2004, p. 2.

  53. 53.

    Freedom Park Trust 2007, p. 2.

  54. 54.

    Noble 2011, p. 213.

  55. 55.

    Noble 2011, p. 213.

  56. 56.

    Noble 2011, p. 215.

  57. 57.

    See the report in Cape Argus, 9 February .

  58. 58.

    Freedom Park Trust 2007, p. 1.

  59. 59.

    Freedom Park Trust 2007, p. 1.

  60. 60.

    See the comment in Portfolio Collection Travel Blog 2011.

  61. 61.

    See the report in Mail & Guardian 2009.

  62. 62.

    Mail & Guardian 2009.

  63. 63.

    Mail & Guardian 2009.

  64. 64.

    Tia Mysoa 2009.

  65. 65.

    Tia Mysoa 2009.

  66. 66.

    Noble 2011, p. 218.

  67. 67.

    Coombes 2003, p. 28.

  68. 68.

    Coombes 2003, p. 26.

  69. 69.

    Coombes 2003, p. 26.

  70. 70.

    Coombes 2003, p. 26.

  71. 71.

    Coombes 2003, p. 26.

  72. 72.

    Coombes 2003, p. 20.

  73. 73.

    Coombes 2003, p. 20.

  74. 74.

    Coombes 2003, p. 20.

  75. 75.

    Times Live 2010.

  76. 76.

    Times Live 2010.

  77. 77.

    Assmann and Shortt 2011, p. 4.

  78. 78.

    See the summary in Baumann 2008, pp. 47–50.

  79. 79.

    Figures of the Human Rights Commission (see TRC 2003, p. 579).

  80. 80.

    Taylor 2002.

  81. 81.

    Guelke 2000, p. 240.

  82. 82.

    Guelke 2000, p. 240.

  83. 83.

    Guelke 2000, p. 240; Baumann 2008, p. 216.

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Baumann, M.M. (2013). Critical Memory Studies and the Politics of Victimhood: Reassessing the Role of Victimhood Nationalism in Northern Ireland and South Africa. In: Bonacker, T., Safferling, C. (eds) Victims of International Crimes: An Interdisciplinary Discourse. T.M.C. Asser Press, The Hague, The Netherlands. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-912-2_22

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