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Abstract

This chapter addresses how asymmetric status positions work out in intergroup relations. In particular, the chapter focuses on one of the possible ways in which disadvantaged groups can deal with their situation: Social creativity. This chapter introduces social identity theory, which is fundamental for the understanding of asymmetric intergroup relations. Much in line with Tajfel’s thinking, in a study on children from different ethnic backgrounds the authors present evidence how under some circumstances social creativity can contribute to the upholding of the status quo. The authors also present empirical results from several studies in which they demonstrate how minorities are able to hold views on social reality, particularly on more inclusive superordinate categories, that are specifically, and very systematically distinct from the views held by their dominant majority outgroups. With that they provide evidence for the so far neglected emancipative potential of social creativity in studies with members of ethnic minorities in Portugal, with members of a strong belief minority (Evangelic Protestants in Portugal), and one study with people from two regions, Lisbon and Porto, the latter the allegedly “rival” of Lisbon. They claim that—compared to the alternative strategy of open social competition with the powerful outgroup—social creativity has been underestimated as a strategy of social change.

Inter-group relations is a two-way affair. This means that to improve relations between groups both of the interacting groups have to be studied.

Lewin (1946, p. 151)

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Notes

  1. 1.

    However, there are psychological boundaries for social mobility, such as high ingroup identification that prevents people from trying to change their group membership, especially when such membership is chosen (e.g., Jetten and Branscombe 2009).

  2. 2.

    Ingroup projection is similar to, but not the same as, the false consensus effect (Ross et al. 1977) and social projection (Allport 1924; Krueger 2007). At a group level, it corresponds to an overestimation of ingroup prototypicality (Kessler and Mummendey 2009; Mark and Edward 1995), and differs from social projection not only theoretically but also empirically (Bianchi et al. 2009; Machunsky et al. 2009). Whereas, ingroup projection describes a generalization process that is made from the ingroup to the superordinate category (of attributes and values) with important implications for intergroup evaluation (intergroup level), social projection implies a generalization of the individual self to the ingroup (see also Waldzus 2009) and is relevant for the representation of an ingroup’s prototype (interpersonal level).

  3. 3.

    Other predictors have also been tested, though it is not our purpose to discuss them deeply: intergroup threat (Ullrich et al. 2006), conditions of information processing (e.g., Machunsky and Meiser 2009, 2013; Rosa and Waldzus 2012), and group goals (Sindic and Reicher 2008).

  4. 4.

    Complexity as it was conceptualized within ingroup projection research is conceptually different from (work-group) diversity as it is defined in organizational science (e.g., van Knippenberg et al. 2004): Generally, the latter refers to two major aspects, social category diversity, that is, differences in visible attributes (e.g., gender, race/ethnicity, age), and informational/functional diversity, which is related to less detectable attributes (e.g., educational background). Diversity in that sense corresponds to characteristics of the members, which is also closer to the idea of variability or heterogeneity postulated by several researchers (e.g., Judd et al. 1995; Park and Judd 1990). The focus is mainly on differences between (sub)groups rather than a particular representation of a given superordinate category (e.g., organization).

  5. 5.

    More recently, Bianchi et al. (2009, Study 2) showed that ingroup projection depends not only on the valence of the superordinate category, but also on the valence of the ingroup: participants (German students) were first asked to think about Germans in general, then, the positivity of the image of such category was manipulated. Following Schwarz et al. (1991) half of the participants were asked to write down three positive aspects of Germans (positive ingroup image condition), and the other half to write down twelve positive aspects of the same group (less positive ingroup image condition); note that the method is based on the difficulty that members will have to list twelve instead of only three positive aspects. Participants displayed more ingroup projection, that is, they considered their ingroup to be more relatively prototypical, in the positive ingroup image condition than in the less positive image condition.

  6. 6.

    When interpreting these results one has to take into account that the dimension of improvement in the future fitted the minorities self-stereotype (i.e., being strong in industrial production). Corresponding to the adaptive nature of prototypicality, judgments would not expect the same results for dimensions that do not fit the self-stereotype of the minority.

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Alexandre, J., Rosa, M., Waldzus, S. (2016). Intergroup Relations and Strategies of Minorities. In: Vala, J., Waldzus, S., Calheiros, M. (eds) The Social Developmental Construction of Violence and Intergroup Conflict . Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42727-0_3

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