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Transitional Justice as Police-Building in Solomon Islands: Tensions of State-Building and Implications for Gender

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Part of the book series: Springer Series in Transitional Justice ((SSTJ,volume 4))

Abstract

Modern interventions focused on state building usually incorporate some mechanisms for transitional justice. The 2003 intervention of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands (RAMSI) initially favoured criminal trials to achieve transitional justice, while local initiatives promoted community healing. RAMSI adopted a security paradigm that viewed the conflict as a matter of law and order, rather than as a complex historical and social issue. A central aim of RAMSI has been to rebuild trust in the state’s police force; however, this has been a particularly complex process as during the conflict from 1998 to 2003 many members of the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force (RSIPF) were implicated in serious crimes. RAMSI has pushed for a generational renewal of the RSIPF, but its emphasis on institutional mechanisms of state control and legal processes has resulted in a lack of coordination with local preferences for restorative justice. This chapter uses a gender lens to unpack the tensions and implications of the RAMSI intervention for women, arguing that the security-first paradigm, along with the exclusion of women from the initial Peace Agreement, has entrenched existing patriarchal social relations and has been counterproductive to later gender-mainstreaming initiatives in peace-building.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    We employ the term following the usage advanced by Andrew Goldsmith and Sinclair Dinnen, “Transnational Police Building: critical lessons from Timor-Leste and Solomon Islands”, (2006) 28 (6) Third World Quarterly, 1091. Police building refers to a range of activities including inter alia: reconstruction, strengthening or reform of police forces; peacekeeping activities; advising local police; day-to-day “executive” policing; police (re)construction following complete disintegration.

  2. 2.

    Nichole Georgeou, Neoliberalism, Development and Aid Volunteering, (Routledge, 2012).

  3. 3.

    Lia Kent, The Dynamics of Transitional Justice: International Models and Local Realities in East Timor, (Routledge, 2012), 4.

  4. 4.

    Cit loc supra, footnote 1.

  5. 5.

    Elsina Wainwright, Our Failing Neighbour—Australia and the Future of Solomon Islands, 10 June 2003, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Canberra.

  6. 6.

    The post-war Maasina Ruru (Maasina Rule or “Marching Rule”) movement of 1944–1952 on the islands of Malaita and Makira was a revolt against the disinterest of colonial government and it briefly challenged British power. See Sam Alasia, “Politics”, in Hugh Laracy, Sam Alasia et al. (eds), Ples bilong Yumi: Solomon Islands the Past four Thousand Years, (University of South Pacific, 1989), 142.

  7. 7.

    The practice of “blackbirding” amounted to legalised slavery and it was outlawed once Australia federated in 1901. Between 1860 and 1901 around 62,000 South Sea Islanders were brought to Queensland’s sugar cane fields. They were mostly from Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, and overwhelmingly young males. Many died in Queensland; however, others became Christianised and returned home to preach the gospels. By 1901 there were 9,324 Pacific Islanders in Queensland and over 1,000 were given permission to stay when the trade was abolished. Queensland Government Multicultural Affairs, Australian South Sea Islander Community History, (22 January 2014) <www.datsima.qld.gov.au/…/australian-south-sea-islanders/history.rtf>.

  8. 8.

    British and Australasian firms invested in coconut plantations to obtain copra, the dried meat of the coconut used for coconut oil, and for making soap and margarine products. These plantations were thought to be the key to making the colonial operation pay for itself. Judith Bennett, Wealth of the Solomons: A History of a Pacific Archipelago 1800–1978, (University of Hawaii Press, 1987), 103. The plantation industry expanded along the coast of Malaita province, and on the north coast of Guadalcanal, but they were economically marginal and began to show profits only after the 1920s when desiccated coconut became the main product. See also “Trade and labour”, The Pacific Islands: An Encyclopedia, Brij V. Lal and Kate Fortune (eds), (University of Hawaii Press, 2000), 216.

  9. 9.

    Jennifer Corrin, “Ples Blong Meri: Law, Gender and Peace-building in Solomon Islands”, (2008), 16, Feminist Legal Studies, 174.

  10. 10.

    In Solomon Islands Japanese and US forces fought ferocious naval and land battles from August 1942 until 1944, particularly along the north coast of Guadalcanal, where unexploded ordnance to this day emerges after heavy rains. Around 13,000 US marines landed to dislodge Japanese troops from Tulagi, Floridas and Guadalcanal in August 1942 where the Japanese had just completed and airfield. The Japanese responded to the marines’ incursion with resupply missions from Rabaul through “The Slot”—the strait between Santa Isabel, New Georgia, the Florida Islands and Guadalcanal—and landed a force of comparable size, some 13,000. In August 1942, in the first naval exchange, the battle of Savo Island led to a surprise Japanese victory, but by November the tide was turning toward the allies and the Japanese positions in Guadalcanal were evacuated from the island by February 1943. The airfield is the site of the modern international airport that services Honiara. It is known as Henderson Field after Major Lofton Henderson of the US Marine corps who led his squadron into the Battle of Midway on 4 June 1942, and was the first US aviator to perish in that engagement.

  11. 11.

    “Facts and Figures” in Hugh Laracy, Sam Alasia et al. (eds), Ples bilong Yumi: Solomon Islands the Past four Thousand Years, (University of South Pacific, 1989), 157–9.

  12. 12.

    It is unclear to what extent a sense of localised identity existed beyond the village in Melanesia prior to the introduction of provincial government.

  13. 13.

    Land is a concept central to understanding society in Melanesia. Land is essentially held in trust by one generation for the next, and is a spiritual connection that derives from ancestors. Land cannot really be “sold” as it is not actual “property”: it can be utilised, but it should be passed down to future generations. Various types of ownership exist over land, including access to fruit trees and waterways, and the systems of inheritance in Melanesia also vary between islands, where both matrilineal and patrilineal land inheritance are common. Marriages between men from patrilineal landholding areas (such as Malaita) with women from matrilineal landholding communities (along the northern coasts of Guadalcanal around Honiara), gave rise to fears that Malaitan male children might take land away from Guale communities.

  14. 14.

    John Braithwaite, Sinclair Dinnen, Matthew Allen, Valerie Braithwaite and Hillary Charesworth, Pillars and Shadows, (ANU Press, 2010), Ebook. Chapter 2 “Historical background to the conflict”.

  15. 15.

    Townsville Peace Agreement (22 November 2013) <http://www.commerce.gov.sb/Gov/Peace_Agreement.htm>

  16. 16.

    John Braithwaite et al., above footnote 14, Chapter 7: What layers of identity were involved in the conflict? At “Identity as a mask”.

  17. 17.

    Kenneth Hall Averre, “The Tension Trials—A Defence Lawyer’s Perspective of Post Conflict Intervention in Solomon Islands”, SSGM Working Papers, No. 2008/3 ANU Canberra.

  18. 18.

    DFAT Economic Analytical Unit, “Solomon Islands: Rebuilding and Island Economy”, (Australian Government, 2004) 7 (5 January 2014) <https://www.dfat.gov.au/publications/rebuilding_solomon/>

  19. 19.

    Ruti G. Teitel, “Transitional Justice Genealogy”, (2003), 16 Harvard Human Rights Journal, 69. Phase I denoted the use of criminal trials such as Nuremberg and Tokyo, together with the codification of human rights instruments; Phase Two involved post-dictatorship tribunals and truth commissions; Phase Three has involved the normalisation of transitional justice through International Tribunals such as the International Criminal Court.

  20. 20.

    Nichole Georgeou and Charles Hawksley, “Socio-institutional Neoliberalism, Securitisation and Australia’s Aid Program”, in Charles Hawksley and Nichole Georgeou (eds), The Globalization of World Politics: Case Studies from Australia, New Zealand and the Asia Pacific, (Oxford University Press, 2014) 27.

  21. 21.

    Toby J. Carroll cited in T. J. Carroll and S. Hameiri, “Good Governance and Security: The Limits of Australia’s New Aid Programme”, (2007) 37 (4), Journal of Contemporary Asia, 414.

  22. 22.

    AusAID proudly notes that: “Australian support is helping the Solomon Islands Government achieve its objectives of formulating affordable and sustainable budgets that improve Government decision-making processes and focus on development goals. We are also helping Solomon Islands Government to implement structural reforms that makes Solomon Islands an attractive and reliable place for businesses to invest”. See AusAID, “Solomon Islands” (24 May 2013) <http://aid.dfat.gov.au/countries/pacific/solomon-islands/pages/effective-governance.aspx>.

  23. 23.

    Minister for Foreign Affairs, The Hon. Kevin Rudd, “Australia’s foreign policy priorities and our candidature for the UN Security Council”, Speech to the National Press Club, Canberra, 1 June 2011, (20 October 2013), <http://foreignminister.gov.au/speeches/2011/kr_sp_110601.html>

  24. 24.

    Mathew G. Allen, “Long-term Engagement: The Future of the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands”, (2011) 51, Strategic Insights, Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Canberra, 14.

  25. 25.

    William Clapton, “Managing risk within international society: hierarchical governance in the Asia Pacific”, (2009), 63 (3), Australian Journal of International Affairs, 424.

  26. 26.

    Townsville Peace Agreement 15 October 2000 (20 January 2014) <http://www.commerce.gov.sb/Gov/Peace_Agreement.htm>. It contained, inter alia: a conditional amnesty from prosecution for combat offences committed during the conflict; immunity from further civil prosecution; the deployment of an International Peace Monitoring Team (IPMT) to oversee the hand-in of weapons; the holding of all surrendered weapons by the IPMT for 24 months; a physical separation of combatants to villages on Malaita and Guadalcanal islands from which they had come or were descended; disclosure of location of human remains and facilitation of their retrieval by relatives; implementation of customary reparations; compensation for lost property, employment and investments; a redrafted constitution to allow for greater provincial autonomy; an investigation into land purchases in and around Honiara by non-Guadalcanal peoples prior to April 1998; a freeze on construction on any property purchased prior to that date; and a series of state-initiated employment and development projects in Malaita and Guadalcanal, including a fisheries centre, a port development, road construction, and airport improvements.

  27. 27.

    Ibid. Sec 5. 1 (b).

  28. 28.

    Ibid. Part 8. 1.

  29. 29.

    Report of the Commission of Truth and Reconciliation, Solomon Islands, (2013), Vol 1, 10.

  30. 30.

    Cit loc supra, footnote 19.

  31. 31.

    Renee Jeffery, “Enduring tensions: transitional justice in the Solomon Islands”, (2013) 26 (2), The Pacific Review, 155.

  32. 32.

    See for example R. Jeffery’s account of the tensions between retributive and restorative justice processes. Jeffery, footnote 31, 161–166.

  33. 33.

    Howard Zehr, cited in Jeffery, footnote 31, 157. For the desire to have a speedy end to the process see Kenneth Hall Averre, above footnote 17, 4.

  34. 34.

    Jeffrey, above footnote 31, 164–166.

  35. 35.

    Tarcisius Tara Kautubalaka, cited in Clive Moore, “The RAMSI Intervention in the Solomon Islands crisis”, (2005) 28(1), The Journal of Pacific Studies, 64.

  36. 36.

    Jeffery, above footnote 31, 164.

  37. 37.

    Averre, cited in Jeffrey, above footnote 31, 166.

  38. 38.

    Teitel, above footnote 19, 89–93.

  39. 39.

    Michael Morgan and Abby McLeod, “Have we failed out neighbour?” (2006) 60 (3), Australian Journal of International Affairs, 413.

  40. 40.

    RAMSI, Our Work, “Developing the Capacity of the Royal Solomon Islands Police Force”, (17 February 2014) <http://www.ramsi.org/our-work/developing-the-capacity-of-the-rsipf.html>.

  41. 41.

    Averre, above footnote 17, 3–4.

  42. 42.

    Fieldnotes December 2013, RSIPF Academy, Rove, Honiara.

  43. 43.

    Jonathon Gouy, and Matthew Harding, “True cost” of policing in the Solomon Islands: Identifying policing and security expenditures and costs borne by external agencies, Final Report, 9 March (AusAID 2011, unpublished).

  44. 44.

    Sinclair Dinnen and Matthew Allen, “Paradoxes of Post-colonial Policing: Solomon Islands”, (2013) 23 (2), Policing and Society, 231.

  45. 45.

    Interview with RAMSI Special Coordinator Justine Braithwaite, Honiara, 3 December 2013.

  46. 46.

    Beth K. Greener, William J. Fish, and Karlyn Tekulu. “Peacebuilding, gender and policing in Solomon Islands”, (2011) 52 (1), Asia Pacific Viewpoint, 20.

  47. 47.

    Jasmine-Kim Westerndorf, “Add women and stir: the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands and Australia’s implementation of United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325”, (2013) 67(4), Australian Journal of International Affairs, 456.

  48. 48.

    Christine Bell and Catherine O’Rourke, “Does Feminism Need a Theory of Transitional Justice? An Introductory Essay”, (2007) 1, The International Journal of Transitional Justice, 32.

  49. 49.

    J. Ann Tickner, Gendering World Politics, Issues and Approaches in the Post-Cold War Era, (Columbia University Press, 2001), 36–64.

  50. 50.

    Bell and O’Rourke above, footnote 48, 32.

  51. 51.

    Bell and O’Rourke above, footnote 48, 29–30.

  52. 52.

    For more on the roles played by women’s groups in restorative justice see Jeffery above footnote 31, 165–166.

  53. 53.

    Fionnuala Ni Aolain, “Political Violence and Gender During Times of Transition”, (2006), 15, Columbia Journal of Gender and Law, 846.

  54. 54.

    Greener, Fish and Tekulu, above footnote 46, 20.

  55. 55.

    Christine Chinkin cited in Bell and O’Rourke, above, footnote 48, 30.

  56. 56.

    See Orford in Bell and O’Rourke, above, footnote 48, 34. See also Jacqui True, The Political Economy of Violence Against Women, (Oxford University Press, 2012).

  57. 57.

    Australian Government, Department of Social Service, The National Plan to Reduce Violence against Women and their Children, (20 November 2013) <http://www.dss.gov.au/sites/default/files/files/women/program-services/OfW_National_Plan_EE.pdf>.

  58. 58.

    Australia’s Global Ambassador for Women Penny Williams, “Australia’s involvement in faith-based responses to gender-based violence”, Speech at the UN 57th Session of the Commission on the Status of Women Parallel Event hosted by World Vision Australia and UNFPA, to launch the report A Mapping of Faith-Based Responses to Gender-Based Violence in Asia-Pacific, E&OE, United Nations, New York, 7 March 2013 (20 November 2013), <http://www.dfat.gov.au/media/speeches/department/130307-csw.html>.

  59. 59.

    Over 70 % of women agreed with at least one of the reasons advanced as an excuse for domestic violence in the Solomon Islands Family Health and Safety Study (2009), 73. (10 November 2013) <http://www.acu.edu.au/research/support_for_researchers/research_events/general_research_training>.

    Up to 70 % of both men and women found accepted at least one of the reasons provided as an excuse to hit a woman. These included burning food, neglecting the children or disagreeing with husband.

  60. 60.

    Williams, above footnote 58. “Channels of Hope” operates through World Vision and “equips faith and community leaders to individually and collectively respond to core issues that compromise the well-being of children, their families and communities, whether these be health or gender injustices.” Initially its programmes were all based in Honiara.

  61. 61.

    Greener, Fish and Tekulu, above footnote, 46, 20.

  62. 62.

    Interview with RSIPF Assistant Commissioner Juanita Matanga, 5 December 2012. See also Corrin, above, footnote 9, 175.

  63. 63.

    In 2012 the then RSIPF Commissioner, John Lansey, desired to increase RSIPF recruit numbers. The surveyed class was double the usual size of 30, and was too large to fit the capacity of the purpose-built classrooms constructed by RAMSI in 2010. The December 2012 class had 68 cadets enrolled, although only 61 were present on the day we conducted our survey. This class was comprised of many cadets who had, for various reasons, been unable to complete previous cadet classes. Fieldnotes December 2013, RSIPF Academy, Rove, Honiara.

  64. 64.

    This was contrary to the actual experience of senior police officers and of RAMSI police, who revealed that women, tended to be more successful in conflict mediation than men as they diffuse the “masculine contest” that characterises conflict in Solomon Islands, a traditional role usually undertaken by mature women. See Greener, Fisk, Takula above footnote, 46, 22.

  65. 65.

    Interview with RSIPF Assistant Commissioner Juanita Matanga, 5 December 2012.

  66. 66.

    Interview with RAMSI Acting Commander Participating Police Force, Noel Scobel, and Advisor to the Deputy Commissioner Operations, Keith Staniforth, 5 December 2012.

  67. 67.

    The 16 Days of Activism Campaign runs annually from 25 November (UN International Day of Elimination of Violence against Women) to 10 December (Human Rights Day). The campaign spans these 16 Days in order to highlight the link between violence against women and human rights. The campaign has been used by people in 172 countries around the world to call for the elimination of all forms of violence against women by: raising awareness about gender-based violence as a human rights issue; supporting local efforts around violence against women; providing a forum for creating and sharing new strategies to fight violence; creating ways to hold government accountable for implementing promises made to eliminate violence against women; demonstrating solidarity of women around the world in fighting violence making local, national and international links between women.

  68. 68.

    Report on 2012—16 days of Activism Campaign to End Violence Against Women—Gizo, Western Province, SI. Personal communication from Dr. Astrid Kersten, international representative. Section 4.

  69. 69.

    In the 2013 march, the female RSIPF officer identified herself as a police officer but was not in uniform, instead wearing a T-shirt advertising a local women’s refuge in Noro on New Georgia, part of the Western Province Police District. Fieldnotes, November 2013 Gizo, Western Province.

  70. 70.

    One placard read, “Respect and Love your wife, and no kilim”. In Solomons Pijin the verb kilim means both to hit and to kill, but this usage infers beating rather than murder.

  71. 71.

    Report on 2012—16 days of Activism Campaign to End Violence Against Women—Gizo, Western Province, SI. In our follow-up observation of the march in November 2013, these messages were relayed and similar activities were again undertaken. The Prime Minister of Solomon Islands, the Hon Gordon Darcy Lilo took time out from a meeting in Gizo on the new constitution to speak at the public meeting.

  72. 72.

    The authors would like to thank Professor Astrid Kersten, La Roche University, for facilitating the conduct of the questionnaire.

  73. 73.

    RSIPF are faced with a number of problems in attending GBV, specifically the lack of mobility outside of towns. Petrol for boats is expensive and the road network in many places non-existent. For more on resourcing problems see Gouy and Harding, above footnote 43.

  74. 74.

    Corrin, above footnote 9, 170.

  75. 75.

    Jane Parpart, “Fine Words, Failed Policies: Gender mainstreaming in an insecure and unequal world”, in J. Leckie, ed., Development in an Insecure and Gendered World, (Farnham, 2009), 51–70.

  76. 76.

    Westerndorf, above footnote 47, 470.

  77. 77.

    Charles Hawksley and Nichole Georgeou, “Pillar II in Practice: Police Capacity Building in Oceania”, (2012) 2 (4), APC R2P Ideas in Brief, (3 June 2013) <http://www.r2pasiapacific.org/r2p-ideas-in-brief>.

  78. 78.

    It is worth noting that while there is a concern to punish perpetrators there is very limited support by the state for women’s shelters, nor for funding for CSOs to be able to provide support services to women and children affected by GBV. Fieldnotes Honiara December 2013.

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Hawksley, C., Georgeou, N. (2015). Transitional Justice as Police-Building in Solomon Islands: Tensions of State-Building and Implications for Gender. In: Szablewska, N., Bachmann, SD. (eds) Current Issues in Transitional Justice. Springer Series in Transitional Justice, vol 4. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-09390-1_6

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