Abstract
This chapter theorises the postwar city in order to enable its study. It first theorises the postwar as not the given and linear transition from war to a universal and objective peace, but rather as permeated by conflicts over peace(s) in which heterogeneous and subjective peace(s) strive to socio-politically order society in diametrically different ways. The city is then theorised as constituted by heterogeneity, density, openness and permeability, and centrality within its wider socio-political context while functioning through mixing, conflict, accommodation, creativity, and fragmentation. This unique combination makes it a research object—in the sense that it affects the nature of whatever research foci might be of interest—as well as gives it potential to both transcend and reinforce continuities of war in peace. The postwar city is subsequently theorised as a city where war is over yet the socio-political ordering of society remains contested through urban conflicts over peace(s).
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
Locking criminals up to protect other citizens, militarising borders to keep the state safe, or redistributing wealth are all activities that can be deemed as building peace as well as being violent, repressive, and disordered.
- 3.
Real examples include the incompatible peace(s) of Hamas and the Israeli ultra-right, Albanian and Serb hard-core ethnonationalists, or ISIS and its enemies.
- 4.
I do consequently not abide by the common distinction in urban studies between “the city” and “the urban”, in which the city is the constitution of cities and the urban is how cities function. The reason is that I understand the two as mutually constitutive, meaning that it makes little sense to accentuate the division between them if the research is not focused on this distinction per se—especially in research outside of urban studies, where the city-urban distinction hardly is axiomatic. “The city” is in this book consequently expanded to encapsulate the constitution and functioning of cities while “the urban” is reduced to signify that something is of the city—e.g. urban heterogeneity or urban violence.
- 5.
The result is that people are able to escape norms, hide from oppressors, and lead rather anonymous lives (Martindale 1966, 36–9; Sennett 2008, 152). Teenagers can smoke marijuana without their parents finding out while people in intimate relationships across ethnic, religious, or class divides can hide from unaccepting communities (Sennett 1991).
- 6.
The rural is neither homogenous, disconnected, nor devote of creativity. Yet it lacks the density of the city, does not enforce mixing, and is not fragmented enough to allow anonymity (Lefebvre 1996, 69; Mumford 1938; Wirth 1964, 78). The state is as heterogeneous and central as the city. Yet it is does not enforce mixing, everyday conflict, or creativity upon society as the city does (Hall 1999, 962; Jacobs 1994; Magnusson 2011). The suburb is dense and can be both open and permeable. Yet it lacks the heterogeneity of the city, does not enforce mixing, and undermines creativity (Lefebvre 1996, 76; Mumford 1938, 215–17; Sennett 2008, 70, 138).
- 7.
- 8.
This distinction is principal in nature, meaning that it does not matter if a city is more segregated than Belfast, more violent than Kirkuk, or more unequal than Jerusalem; if its socio-political ordering is not contested then it is not deemed a postwar city.
- 9.
- 10.
Given that this book is primarily written from and to peace research, such an isolated focus becomes even more valid.
- 11.
Even if the research problem itself will remain focused on why the postwar city reinforces rather than transcends its continuities of war in peace.
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Gusic, I. (2020). Studying the Postwar City Through Urban Conflicts over Peace(s). In: Contesting Peace in the Postwar City. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-28091-8_2
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