Abstract
An analysis of the self-narratives, self-stagings, and self-glorifications of school shooters circulated by the media, focusing on communicative and ideological elements and investigating the extent and nature of adolescent identification with perpetrators and their ideologies. Online interviews were conducted with a theoretical sample of 31 YouTube users selected to cover a range of relevance (minimum intensity of involvement was participation in online discussions) and diversity of characteristics (attitude, intensity, age, gender). The findings were analyzed by minimal/maximal case comparison. A small identification group characterized by recognition deficits in three crucial areas (family, school, peer group) felt there were strong similarities between their own psychosocial background and those of the shooters, and engaged with school shooters as a strategy of identity assertion.
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Notes
- 1.
YouTube was selected as the field of research because it is the world’s largest and most intensely used portal of its kind, with about 60 h of video material uploaded every minute and about four billion video views per day. Numerous media self-presentations by school shooters can be found on YouTube, including Eric Harris, Dylan Klebold, Sebastian Bosse, Seung-Hui Cho, Pekka-Eric Auvinen, and Matti Saari, uploaded by the perpetrators before the shooting or later by others. Numerous documentary reports and films about school shootings are also available on the site. The search term “School Shooting” returns 55,200 results on YouTube, with 12,900 videos for “Columbine” alone (as of February 11, 2012). Lindgren gives a general overview of user discussion relating to school shootings (2011), demonstrating that in comments on video clips showing images and texts from Seung-Hui Cho or Pekka-Eric Auvinen, for example, YouTube users refer above all to the issue of bullying as a possible reason.
- 2.
On the relevance of marginalization and bullying experiences as causes of school shootings see Larkin, Madfis, & Levin, and Newman in this volume.
- 3.
The term is borrowed from protest research, where Fahlenbrach uses it to identify particular social processes among participants in street demonstrations.
- 4.
While school shooters generally come from outwardly inconspicuous white middle-class families, their family relationships are often dysfunctional and characterized by emotional indifference (Fast, 2008; O’Toole, 1999). In some cases the perpetrator is loosely attached to a clique of outsiders, but this does not function adequately as a “surrogate informal recognition structure” (Sitzer, 2002) and therefore cannot protect them from feelings of hopelessness and identity threat (Böckler & Seeger, 2010; McGee & DeBernardo, 1999).
- 5.
For Heintz, imagined communities form “symbolic substitutes for real world ties that are lacking, where semantics and symbolism create a sense of togetherness that bridges all differences and allows real spatial and social distance to be forgotten. In this connection, the disseminating media and unity-generating symbols play a central role” (translated from 2003, 188–189).
- 6.
Considerations of space here preclude more detailed discussion of the details of the methodology, which is described in full elsewhere (Böckler & Seeger, 2010).
- 7.
Of course, we cannot claim that the described ideological components and feelings of group belonging are part of the motivation and self-perception of all school shooters. While the academic discourse to date assumes that there is no uniform perpetrator profile (Borum, Cornell, Modzeleski, & Jimerson, 2010), the findings described here could possibly be paradigmatic for a certain subtype existing within a phenomenon that is as a whole heterogeneous and requires closer empirical scrutiny and definition.
- 8.
Horton and Wohl also designate a media person as a persona (1956).
- 9.
In this connection, Sumiala writes of “networked communities of destruction,” which she describes as “virtual global communities held together by a social imaginary constructed around the visualization of texts of death and violence” (2011).
- 10.
- 11.
In connection with the present study, this refers to the point at which, after an exhaustive case comparison, no additional cases could be identified on YouTube that presented identifiable but hitherto unobserved facets of reception relating to the media self-presentations of school shooters. However, it must be pointed out that social interaction patterns on YouTube are not fixed, with numerous new users joining every day while others terminate their activities. Thus, this virtual community is in permanent flux, and here more than anywhere we cannot expect to identify “final and conclusive” empirical results.
- 12.
We joined YouTube and created a special user’s channel for the purpose of contacting subjects. The research process extended over a period of 18 months (06/2008 to 11/2009). In the initial pretest phase, data was collected in synchronous chat interviews. The subsequent e-mail survey used a qualitative questionnaire that allowed the adolescents to have only minimal contact with the researchers if they so wished. In some cases, however, communication extended over a period of several months by exchange of e-mails.
- 13.
Within open/communicative qualitative social research, there is a widespread tendency to tie the value of qualitative data to a personal encounter between subject and researcher (Früh, 2000). In some respects, especially with regard to central principles of qualitative social research (naturalistic and communicative inquiry) this would appear to be outdated, especially considering the expansive societal mediatization processes of past decades (that are so important for adolescents) (Baacke, Sander, & Vollbrecht, 1990; Krotz, 2007). Computer-mediated communication using structured online interviews appears to satisfy this paradigm especially well, because e-mail is one of the most internationally prevalent communication tools of the twenty-first century (van Eimeren & Frees, 2011).
- 14.
The multistage coding and analysis process of grounded theory was applied as follows (Strauss, 1994; Strauss & Corbin, 1996): open coding to conceptualize specific appropriation patterns concerning school shooters and their media legacies; axial coding to examine the situative contextual conditions (individual psychosocial and biographical constellations) of the recipients in relation to their individual appropriation patterns and develop initial reception types; and finally selective coding to continue axial coding at a higher level of abstraction. Using the key category of “identification” allowed us to differentiate and compare the identified reception types.
- 15.
It is conspicuous that, in most cases, teaching staff were not perceived as helpful or supportive, and consequently school as an institution was characterized as an unjust and threatening place.
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Böckler, N., Seeger, T. (2013). Revolution of the Dispossessed: School Shooters and their Devotees on the Web. In: Böckler, N., Seeger, T., Sitzer, P., Heitmeyer, W. (eds) School Shootings. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5526-4_14
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