Abstract
The conclusions drawn from mirror self-recognition studies, in which nonhuman animals are tested for whether they detect a mark on their bodies which can be observed only in the mirror, are based on several presuppositions. These include (1) that performance on the test is an indication of species wide rather than individual abilities, and (2) that all the animals which pass the test are demonstrating the presence of the same psychological ability. However, further details about the results of the test indicate that these presuppositions are false. Animals take the test as individuals, not as stand-ins for species, and members of different species rely on different cognitive mechanisms to pass the test. For nonhuman animals, passing the test seems to be a consequence of enculturation and practice.
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Notes
Gallup (1970), p. 87.
A third presupposition is also illustrated in Gallup’s conclusion, and in much subsequent work on MSR: that there is a hierarchy of cognitive skills with humans on one end, great apes slightly below humans, and other animals descending from there, demonstrating, as it were, a “scala naturae.” Critique of this presupposition is beyond the scope of this essay.
Heyes argues that the mark test results are the consequence of anesthesia wearing off. Povinelli et al. (1997) dispute these arguments.
Other commentators have criticized these presuppositions, although typically without identifying the extent to which they underlie interpretations of the mark test. Thornton and Lukas (2012) and Herman and Call (2012) criticize the general idea that all animals of one species have the same abilities. de Veer and van den Bos (1999) addresses the idea that the animal taking the test must be properly motivated. And Zazzo (cited by de Lannoy 1993) identifies MSR as a human behavior that the mark test attempts to elucidate, rather than a demonstration of a behavior or skill already present in an animal’s repertoire.
I return to Gorillas below.
The list is from a summary of research presented by Tomasello and Call (1997). In the two decades since their summary, many animals have been tested and have passed. These include elephants, dolphins, magpies, and, as discussed below, some macaques.
This reasoning suggests that the presence of a stored self-representation is necessary for passing the mark test. Gallup and others (see, e.g., Byrne 1995; Keller et al. 2005; Shaffer 2005) also think having a stored self-representation is sufficient for passing the mark test. The existence of non-visually oriented animals gives good reason to be dubious of this latter claim (see, e.g., Bekoff 2005).
Typically, this behavior emerges at approximately 18–24 months.
There are too many citations echoing these presuppositions to include more than a very small selection here. The reader is invited to find her own examples in the literature.
Might there have been selection for some other trait that explains an animal’s ability to recognize itself in the mirror? One possibility is that there may have been selection for certain social skills, which, when combined with human visual orientation, might lead to the kind of self-concept that allows those who have it to recognize themselves in the mirror. I consider this sort of possibility in “Outliers” section. However, as we shall see, this explanation for human MSR does not justify inferences from the performance of an individual nonhuman animal to conclusions about the entire species. Such inferences seem to rely on the claim that there was selection for whatever trait enables the animal to pass the mark test.
See, for example, the quotes from Swartz and Evans, Prior et al, and Rajala et al above. Not only do these authors express the species-wide presupposition, they also assert that chimpanzees are among the species that have passed the test.
Plotnik et al. (2006).
The emphasis is mine.
Broesch et al. also studied children from Canada, Fiji, Grenada, Peru, Saint Lucia, and the United States. While none of the results were as dramatic as the results found in Kenya, they found that the children raised in the non-Western cultures passed the test at significantly lower rates than did the US and Canadian children.
Povinelli did not test all of these chimpanzees with the mark test. Of those that demonstrated compelling evidence of mirror self-recognition and that he tested, only half passed the mark test. Povinelli suggests that there may be self-recognition without passing the mark test.
For reasons de Veer does not explain, she was unable to perform the mark test on the chimpanzees in her study.
There is a third alternative: perhaps self-recognition is a trait that is within the normal range of phenotypic variation of a species. If that were the case, then we would not expect the trait to appear in every animal in the species. However, we also would not expect the pattern of self-recognition to be closely linked to enculturation (and practice). Because, as I argue below, self-recognition seems to be closely linked to enculturation (and practice), it seems unlikely that it appears in the phenotype as simply an indication of the phenotypic range of the species. At root here is a question about what we learn from experiments in which animals may demonstrate abilities that vary from those they would have in their natural environments. This is a fascinating question, but it is beyond the scope of this essay.
Gallup (1970).
Despite their clear use of mirrors to examine their bodies, and despite behavior that suggests that each monkey clearly recognized that the body it was examining was its own, these monkeys still failed the mark test. Perhaps the implants caused the monkeys to examine themselves in the mirror, but they did so without any independently stored self-representation.
Boccia (1994), p. 352.
In fact, Gallup and Anderson continue to hold the line, writing that “Positive evidence of self-recognition in great apes and the lack of evidence in monkeys suggest the emergence of a qualitative difference in self-awareness during primate evolution.”
Patterson and Cohn (1994).
The criterion of spontaneity is Anderson’s (1994).
de Veer and van den Bos (1999, p. 465) speculate that certain social experiences common to enculturated apes, but not to their wild born conspecifics, develop certain brain structures that enhance “social-cognitive functioning.”
de Veer et al. (2002, p. 4).
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Saidel, E. Through the looking glass, and what we (don’t) find there. Biol Philos 31, 335–352 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10539-016-9522-6
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10539-016-9522-6