Regular ArticleIncome, Cohort Effects, and Occupational Mobility: A New Look at Immigration to the United States at the Turn of the 20th Century
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Social identity and labor market outcomes of internal migrant workers
2024, European Economic ReviewLife after crossing the border: Assimilation during the first Mexican mass migration
2021, Explorations in Economic HistoryThe economic assimilation of Irish Famine migrants to the United States
2019, Explorations in Economic HistoryOccupational income scores and immigrant assimilation. Evidence from the Canadian census
2019, Explorations in Economic HistoryCitation Excerpt :This practice, adapted from an earlier literature in sociology (Duncan, 1961; Sobek, 1995, 1996; Hauser and Warren, 1997), imputes fixed earnings by occupation based on averages in a later census for which both income and occupation are available, or from ancillary sources of pay by occupation. In the last three decades there has been considerable use of income scores for the economic analysis of assimilation (Chiswick, 1991; Borjas, 1992, 1994; Hanes, 1996; Minns, 2000; Abramitzky et al., 2012, 2014) and ethnic inequality (Darity et al., 1997; Horton et al., 2000; Collins and Wannamaker, 2014, 2015). Occupation-based income scores are also used to proxy for individual incomes on other topics including intergenerational economic mobility (Olivetti and Paserman, 2015), inequality over time (Lindert and Williamson, 2016; Modalsli, 2015), fertility decline (Aaronson et al., 2014), policy change (Chen, 2015; Fagernäs, 2014), schooling (Stephens and Yang, 2014; Lleras-Muney and Shertzer, 2015) and the early life origins of health and human capital (Bleakley, 2007; Saavedra, 2017).1
Migration, marriage and social mobility: Women in Sweden 1880–1900
2019, Explorations in Economic HistoryCitation Excerpt :Especially in the context of contemporary refugee migration into highly industrial societies, this has proven a serious obstacle to the economic mobility of immigrants (e.g., Bauer et al., 2000; Le Grand and Szulkin, 2002; OECD, 2015). Moreover, even though it seems to have been much less of a concern in the transatlantic migration at the turn of the twentieth century, the economic assimilation of immigrants in the United States was not without its difficulties but differed by origin and time of immigration (Hatton, 1997; Ferrie, 1999; Minns, 2000; Abramitzky et al., 2014). Even in cases of internal migration, there could be difficulties for immigrants to fully integrate due to a lack of specific skills or networks (e.g., Silvestre et al., 2015), even though most studies seem to find migrants historically doing better than natives in terms of earnings or occupational mobility (e.g., Hatton and Bailey, 2002; Maas and van Leeuven, 2004; Sewell, 1985; Eriksson and Stanfors, 2015).
Immigration quotas and immigrant selection
2016, Explorations in Economic History
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Special thanks to Tim Hatton and Roy Bailey for valuable advice and suggestions on earlier drafts of this article. I have also received useful comments from Ken Burdett and seminar participants at the University of Essex; the University of Cambridge; the 1999 Economic History Society Annual Conference at St. Catherine's College, Oxford; and the 1999 Canadian Economic History Meetings at Kananaskis, Alberta. I also thank two anonymous referees and the editor of this journal. Any remaining errors are mine.